Dante Alighieri And William Shakespeare - 1245 Words

It is amazing how authors make subtle hints about subjects in their writings, and the readers go without even noticing the hints. Almost every author does this to some extent, but two most well-known authors that do this quite frequently in their works are Dante Alighieri and William Shakespeare. More commonly these authors both referred wrote Biblical references in many of their pieces. Dante referred back to the Bible when writing his Inferno. He not only takes the reader on a journey into the different levels of Hell but he also uses Biblical references to help the reader better understand the different levels of Hell. Shakespeare also does this in his some of his sonnets. He refers to how the body is left on earth but the soul is outside of the body. Some of the best references to the Bible are made by these two famously, well-known authors. Dante’s inferno, also known as The Divine Comedy, takes the reader on a journey through Hell. Dante has a very detailed approach on h ow Hell is divided up in many different levels. The author also goes into such detail as to which sin goes into which level. On this journey the narrator is lead on this journey by a guide. The narrator knows this guide and thinks very highly of him. As they start on this journey of Hell the guide, who is known as Virgil, describes the reason of why each soul in on the different level. During this journey they meet many different people. When they meet these people the narrator asks many differentShow MoreRelatedThe Question of Justice in Dantes The Inferno and Shakespeares The Tempest1405 Words   |  6 PagesThe Question of Justice in Dantes The Inferno and Shakespeares The Tempest Dante Alighieri lived in the 13th- and 14th centuries Florence, Italy, and wrote his famous comedy The Inferno in response to the political and social events of his environment. William Shakespeare lived in late 16th and early 17th centuries and his play The Tempest is a critical commentary on the problems facing England at the time. Despite the fact that the two authors lived in different societies at different times,Read MoreThe Tempest By William Shakespeare And Inferno1358 Words   |  6 Pagesplay, by William Shakespeare and Inferno, a poem, by Dante, both highlight the topic of justice. Being from different time periods and composing stories of different genres, having different definitions of justice. Justice in The Tempest is Prospero, the protagonist who is stranded on an island, returning to Milan and reclaiming his rightful dukedom. Justice in Inferno is divine, with God’s creation of nine levels of Hell with individualized punishments for sinners. In both texts, S hakespeare and DanteRead MoreEssay about Dante Alighieri1178 Words   |  5 PagesDante Alighieri Dante Alighieri was the first and best Italian poet and wrote mainly on love and religion. His Divine Comedy is considered the greatest book of the last millennium. George Steiner said, Dante’s totality of poet form and philosophic thought, of local universality and language, remains unrivaled. At a time where the notion of culture and of European culture in particular, is somewhat in doubt, Dante is the sovereign underwriter. His are the solutions beyond logic†Read MoreThe Muses in Greek Mythology and Art1643 Words   |  7 Pagestown of Troy.† (Homer) And Dante Alighieri (mid-May to mid-June 1265), in Canto II of The Inferno; O Muses, O high genius, aid me now! O memory that noted what I saw. Now shall your true nobility be seen! (Dante) Euripides (ca. 480 BC–406 BC) who was the last of the three great tragedians of classical Athens wrote When two poets produce a hymn, the Muses are wont to work strife between them. (Maidens of Phthia. Euripides, Andromache 476). 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The English romantic poetry is dense and divided into two eras; William Wordsworth, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and William Blake wrote in the first half of the romantic period and Lord Byron, Percy Bysshe Shelley and John Keats wrote in the second half. The Romantic Era is known for the development in poetry, from metaphysical approaches to theRead MoreRenaissance Time Capsule1187 Words   |  5 Pagesinvention of printing technology during the 15th century. One of the Renaissance literatures is by William Shakespeare. Shakespeare was an English writer, dramatist, and artiste usually recognized as the best talented English writer of all times. The other literatures I would expect in the time capsule is contributions by Dante Alighieri. Specifically, I will expect to find la Divina Commedia by Alighieri. The above comedy is considered one of the most popular masterworks of world literature. The twoRead MoreReflection Of Ovids Metamorphoss1330 Words   |  6 Pagescomposed, and the list of writers, painters, sculptors, and philosophers who are indebted to the poem is formidable. It includes Chretien de Troyes, Dante Alighieri, Giovanni Boccaccio, Geoffrey Chaucer, Sandro Botticelli, Ludovico Ariosto, Michelangelo Buonarotti, Gian Lo renzo Bernini, Titian, Edmund Spenser, Miguel de Cervantes, William Shakespeare, John Milton, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Sigmund Freud, Carl Jung, James Joyce, Ezra Pound, Richard Wright, Alan Jay Lerner, and Julia Kristeva. TextualRead MoreWilliam Shakespeare s Macbeth 1457 Words   |  6 PagesCaribbean isles with a confusing lineage of who his true birth father was. As a bastard and someone who lost their mother at a very young age, it was up to Hamilton to make something positive out of his rough situation. As for Macbeth, the text from William Shakespeare’s script gives us very little to go off of as to where Macbeth came from or how he became the Thane of Glamis, however, the audience can infer that Macbeth suffers from severe Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) as he displays when envisioningRead MoreEmersons Self Reliance5249 Words   |  21 Pagesstatesman, and philosopher; he proposed a theory of scientific knowledge based on observation and experiment that came to be known as the inductive method. Phidias (c. fifth century B.C.): A great Athenian sculptor, none of whose works survive. Dante Alighieri (1265-1321): The Italian poet renowned for The Divine Comedy, completed in 1321. Foreworld: The primeval world. amelioration: An improvement. Greenwich nautical almanac: Initiated in 1767, the Nautical Almanac, published by the Royal Greenwich

Memorable Violence and College Essay - 3021 Words

Most Memorable Experience in Life - College Essay - †º Home †º EducationMost Memorable Experience in Life - College Essay - †º Home †º Education Read this college essay and over 1700000 others like it now. Dont miss ... Everyday there are a lot of things that tends to be our most memorable experience. Narrative Essay - My Most Memorable Experience ... /view.asp?id=17150 My Most Memorable Experience The beaten up old Pontiac sputtered violently as we rolled leisurely out of our driveway. With my mom in the passenger seat ...Most Memorable Experience in Life - College Essay - †º Home †º Education Read this college essay and over 1700000 others like it now. Dont miss ... Everyday there are a lot of things that tends to be our most†¦show more content†¦Narrative Essay - My Most Memorable Experience ... /view.asp?id=17150Most Memorable Experience in Life - College Essay - †º Home †º Education Read this college essay and over 1700000 others like it now. Dont miss ... Everyday there are a lot of things that tends to be our most memorable experience. Narrative Essay - My Most Memorable Experience ... /view.asp?id=17150Most Memorable Experience in Life - College Essay - †º Home †º Education Read this college essay and over 1700000 others like it now. Dont miss ... Everyday there are a lot of things that tends to be our most memorable experience. Narrative Essay - My Most Memorable Experience ... /view.asp?id=17150Most Memorable Experience in Life - College Essay - †º Home †º Education Read this college essay and over 1700000 others like it now. Dont miss ... Everyday there are a lot of things that tends to be our most memorable experience. Narrative Essay - My Most Memorable Experience ... /view.asp?id=17150Most Memorable Experience in Life - College Essay - †º Home †º Education Read this college essay and over 1700000 others like it now. Dont miss ... Everyday there are a lot of things that tends to be our most memorable experience. Narrative Essay - My Most Memorable Experience ... /view.asp?id=17150 My Most Memorable Experience The beaten up old Pontiac sputtered violently as we rolled leisurely out of our driveway. With my mom in the passenger seat ...vMost Memorable Experience in LifeShow MoreRelatedMy Experience At Spelman College878 Words   |  4 PagesIn my first reflection, I elaborated on my personal goals in relation to my experiences at Spelman College. I spoke about how those experiences have influenced my goals. Since then my goals have not changed, however I have become more determined to reach those goals. My overall determination stems from the fact that I am surrounded by a vast group of intelligent and talented women. My Spelman sisters push me to reach greater heights, and they encourage me to not just be mediocre. Therefore, the consistencyRead More Flannery Oconnor1301 Words   |  6 Pagesdevastated (Gordon). 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These dark comedies â€Å"often [forced] readers to confront physical deformity, spiritual depravity, and the violence they often engender† (Abcarian et al. 1411). â€Å"She began writing while a student at Georgia State College for WomenRead MoreWhat Is Health Psychology?2150 Words   |  9 Pagesof physical illness? This occurs because there is a strong link between our thoughts, personality, and behavior and our way of coping with illness. The way we control our emotions di rectly impacts our health for the better or for the worse. In this essay, we will discuss about the different mental factors that relate to health and how they can contribute to the development of diseases. Health Psychology has been important in the field of medicine since the 1980s, when behavioral medicine became anRead MoreAfrican Americans : Same Fight For The Civil Rights Act Of 19681921 Words   |  8 Pagesmistreated with cruelty and inequality. 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Thus, this essay will argue that Coalhouse Walker’s evolving racial views represents the larger African American shift from the ideologies of Booker T. Washington to thoseRead MoreMacro Economic Analysis of Coca Cola4039 Words   |  17 PagesWriting for Students Free sample essays, research paper examples, term papers, example dissertations, writing tips and writing guidelines for high school, college and university students. Here you can also find information about custom writing services at which you can buy custom written papers online. This Blog Linked From Here | This Blog  Ã‚  Ã‚   |    | Top of Form Bottom of Form Linked From Here  Ã‚  Ã‚   | |    Thursday, December 30, 2010 Research Paper on Coca Cola Research Paper on Coca Cola Company

The New Deal/Howard Zinn free essay sample

Zinn Zinn established the causes of the Crash of 1929 and the Great Depression are capitalism. Capitalism is fundamentally unsound and is vulnerable to devastating ups and downs that cause havoc in society. As a result of unchecked industrial expansion through the second half of the 19th century, America’s wealth coalesced in the hands of the very few elite and left the balance of the country essentially poor. Mass production in factories quickly outstripped our capacity to consume. Though Zinn is correct that unsound banking practices, disparity in wealth and stock speculation contributes to the depression, he blindly attributes all the problems of the era on an economic model. Johnson believes that government regulation and interference were the cause of the Crash of 1929. He sees the free market as a naturally occurring phenomenon that should be allowed to work through its growing pains with no government interference – that a balance would emerge, setting the economy on its new foundation, organically. We will write a custom essay sample on The New Deal/Howard Zinn or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Banking regulations, the creation of the Federal Reserve and other â€Å"manipulations† by well-meaning, but ignorant politicians, only prolonged the recovery. America was poised to prosper at the end of the 19th century. Had political leaders not been swayed by pockets of disgruntled, ungrateful people, the country would have sailed through the minor ups and downs of the first decade, with aplomb. The consensus theory suggests that there were a multitude of factors that lead to the fall of the economy by the third decade of the new century. Industrialization was a new market condition, one that had enormous implications. The country had no previous experience with its impact on society or the economy. The world had never experienced a World War before and no one had prior knowledge of how a conflict of that scale would affect us. Institutions are notorious for snail-paced change. Our government, social policies, legislation, financial institutions were overcome by events that, in concert, lead to the Crash of 1929. The Republican presidents of the teens were extremely â€Å"hands off† managers, allowing events to unfold with little thought to the implications. After WWI the farmers were faced with excess capacity as a result of the build up for war orders that, since the armistice, had disappeared. With no demand, they generated no capital. The market was narrowly diversified: cars and houses. The idea of planned obsolescence hadn’t evolved yet. The Federal Reserve lowered interest rates to stimulate spending. People realized you could borrow money cheaply and potentially make profit on the borrow funds playing the stock market. The Stock market had no regulation yet. A new company’s prospectus may or may not be based in fact. A large â€Å"bubble† was created. Finally, when the market became conscious of all the speculation that had taken place, money managers called in the notes. There was a run on the banks and the market crashed.

The Crucible the Importance of a Good Name free essay sample

The Crucible there are many themes floating around. One of the most notable themes is the importance of a good name. To several of the characters the only matter of importance seems to be their name and what it seems to be associated with. Amongst this dialog we find that because the hysterical environment of Salem causes persecution of calumny became a common fear of a good, respectable name to be tarnished. Early in the play we are introduced with our first couple of victims due to the infamous fear. Our first encounter is with Abigail when Reverend Parris questions her about as to why Elizabeth Proctor had fired her Abigail responds â€Å"My name is good in the village! I will not have it said my name is soiled! Goody Proctor is a gossiping liar! † We can see here that she believes that Goody Proctor is trying to spoil her name due to the belief that she had been having an affair with John. We will write a custom essay sample on The Crucible the Importance of a Good Name or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page As the play continues it is evident how she accuses other people of witchcraft so that her name is in the light and she is absolved from partaking in the witchcraft herself. Though it seems that Abigail’s only worry is her name, she is very dissembling. We later find out that her name seems to only be the light of her worries. Her main motive is to rid John of Elizabeth so that she can freely be with John. Her uncle, Reverend Parris, is naive to her hidden motives for false accusations. It isn’t much longer in the story when we find Abigail’s uncle, Reverend Parris is also sporting this same worry when we read a conversation between him and a trusted villager Thomas Putnam. Due to Betty, Parris’s Daughter who has fallen ill, and the village is suddenly buzzing with slander of witchcraft. In a conversation with Thomas Putnam it is apparent how this affects Parris. â€Å"Thomas, Thomas, I pray you, leap not to witchcraft. I know that you-least of all, Thomas, would ever wish so disastrous a charge laid upon me. We cannot leap to witchcraft. They will howl me out of Salem for such corruption in my house. † This shows that Reverend Parris is almost more caught up in what people think of him rather than how daughter, Betty Parris, is doing or rather how the Doctor, who has found nothing to cure her, will solve her illness. Parris is now continuously accusing his least faithful parishioners with having a contract with the devil. One of which is John Proctor, the man Abigail is having an affair with. John Proctor is known as a rebel in this story. Though a good Christian he rarely makes it into Parris’ Sunday Masses because he is working in the field and he doesn’t want to hear of Parris’ weekly ranting of the devil and hell. It is because of this reputation his wife is among the accused of witchcraft. When he tries to defend her he reluctantly admits to lechery. John Proctor was very reluctant to admit this because he wanted his name to stay respected. When judge Danforth doesn’t believe him they ask his wife Elizabeth if this is true. Unknowing that he had confessed and trying to respect his wishes of keeping a good name she says that she doesn’t believe that he had ever had an affair with Abigail Parris. When Abigail turns on Marry Warren, Marry Warren turns on John Proctor calling him the Devil’s Man. This causes his arrest and accusation of Witchcraft. Proctor’s importance of a good name is most portrayed in the last act, Act V, when he is begged to save himself by signing a confession sheet. He finally refuses to sign it saying that â€Å"Because it is my Name! Because I cannot have another in my life! Because I lie and sign myself to Lies! Because I am not worth the dust on the feet of them that hang! How may I live without my name? I have given you my soul; leave me my name! † John Proctor is the epitome of wanting to preserve his name. He willingly dies to preserve his name. In the story of The Crucible, Arthur Miller is able to illustrate the importance of a good name through many of the characters. We were easily able to convey this theme and build off of it. Since many of the characters’ main objective was too keep their name in good light we were able to better understand the reasons behind their actions, helping us receive a better understanding of the story. The Crucible the Importance of a Good Name free essay sample In the play The Crucible there are many themes floating around. One of the most notable themes is the importance of a good name. To several of the characters the only matter of importance seems to be their name and what it seems to be associated with. Amongst this dialog we find that because the hysterical environment of Salem causes persecution of calumny became a common fear of a good, respectable name to be tarnished. Early in the play we are introduced with our first couple of victims due to the infamous fear. Our first encounter is with Abigail when Reverend Parris questions her about as to why Elizabeth Proctor had fired her Abigail responds â€Å"My name is good in the village! I will not have it said my name is soiled! Goody Proctor is a gossiping liar! † We can see here that she believes that Goody Proctor is trying to spoil her name due to the belief that she had been having an affair with John. We will write a custom essay sample on The Crucible the Importance of a Good Name or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page As the play continues it is evident how she accuses other people of witchcraft so that her name is in the light and she is absolved from partaking in the witchcraft herself. Though it seems that Abigail’s only worry is her name, she is very dissembling. We later find out that her name seems to only be the light of her worries. Her main motive is to rid John of Elizabeth so that she can freely be with John. Her uncle, Reverend Parris, is naive to her hidden motives for false accusations. It isn’t much longer in the story when we find Abigail’s uncle, Reverend Parris is also sporting this same worry when we read a conversation between him and a trusted villager Thomas Putnam. Due to Betty, Parris’s Daughter who has fallen ill, and the village is suddenly buzzing with slander of witchcraft. In a conversation with Thomas Putnam it is apparent how this affects Parris. â€Å"Thomas, Thomas, I pray you, leap not to witchcraft. I know that you-least of all, Thomas, would ever wish so disastrous a charge laid upon me. We cannot leap to witchcraft. They will howl me out of Salem for such corruption in my house. † This shows that Reverend Parris is almost more caught up in what people think of him rather than how daughter, Betty Parris, is doing or rather how the Doctor, who has found nothing to cure her, will solve her illness. Parris is now continuously accusing his least faithful parishioners with having a contract with the devil. One of which is John Proctor, the man Abigail is having an affair with. John Proctor is known as a rebel in this story. Though a good Christian he rarely makes it into Parris’ Sunday Masses because he is working in the field and he doesn’t want to hear of Parris’ weekly ranting of the devil and hell. It is because of this reputation his wife is among the accused of witchcraft. When he tries to defend her he reluctantly admits to lechery. John Proctor was very reluctant to admit this because he wanted his name to stay respected. When judge Danforth doesn’t believe him they ask his wife Elizabeth if this is true. Unknowing that he had confessed and trying to respect his wishes of keeping a good name she says that she doesn’t believe that he had ever had an affair with Abigail Parris. When Abigail turns on Marry Warren, Marry Warren turns on John Proctor calling him the Devil’s Man. This causes his arrest and accusation of Witchcraft. Proctor’s importance of a good name is most portrayed in the last act, Act V, when he is begged to save himself by signing a confession sheet. He finally refuses to sign it saying that â€Å"Because it is my Name! Because I cannot have another in my life! Because I lie and sign myself to Lies! Because I am not worth the dust on the feet of them that hang! How may I live without my name? I have given you my soul; leave me my name! † John Proctor is the epitome of wanting to preserve his name. He willingly dies to preserve his name. In the story of The Crucible, Arthur Miller is able to illustrate the importance of a good name through many of the characters. We were easily able to convey this theme and build off of it. Since many of the characters’ main objective was too keep their name in good light we were able to better understand the reasons behind their actions, helping us receive a better understanding of the story.

Free Essays on English

Women’s roles in life Women in sports have come a long way. A book written by Mariah Burton Nelson called â€Å"When women win too much† shows the struggle women go through to succeed in sports. In this book Mariah focuses on women by the name of Nancy Welch Williams. Williams has coached softball, field hockey, and other sports and has taught physical education at Shore Regional High School in West Long Branch, New Jersey since 1970. Her softball record (343-93) is the best in the nation. Before all of this success Williams endured harassment by mostly men. Williams quotes â€Å"The male sports teams would steal our equipment and also harass us after practice†. In this book is says how nobody took Williams seriously just because she was a girl. She was hired because they needed a coach overnight or the Regional high school would not have had a girl’s team. Williams was threatened to be fired for no reason and also threatened that violent acts would be performed if she did not quite. Theses types of actions are known in our society today as wrong but back then men thought nothing of it to harass a women like she was an object. It was Women like Nancy Williams that took a stand and let the world know women were useful in sports also. The roles of women in the bible are different from the roles women in today’s society. The role of a woman today is best described as equal. Women for the most part are treated with the same respect as men and get the same opportunities. Women are portrayed in the bible stories as minorities. Women were used in two ways. They were used by men to seduce other men. They were used as sex symbols and nothing else. They were not looked at as people but as objects that can be used to suit the advantages of men. The second way women were used was as birth givers. Women were seen only useful when it came to giving birth and taking care of the children when they got older. They were seen... Free Essays on English Free Essays on English Women’s roles in life Women in sports have come a long way. A book written by Mariah Burton Nelson called â€Å"When women win too much† shows the struggle women go through to succeed in sports. In this book Mariah focuses on women by the name of Nancy Welch Williams. Williams has coached softball, field hockey, and other sports and has taught physical education at Shore Regional High School in West Long Branch, New Jersey since 1970. Her softball record (343-93) is the best in the nation. Before all of this success Williams endured harassment by mostly men. Williams quotes â€Å"The male sports teams would steal our equipment and also harass us after practice†. In this book is says how nobody took Williams seriously just because she was a girl. She was hired because they needed a coach overnight or the Regional high school would not have had a girl’s team. Williams was threatened to be fired for no reason and also threatened that violent acts would be performed if she did not quite. Theses types of actions are known in our society today as wrong but back then men thought nothing of it to harass a women like she was an object. It was Women like Nancy Williams that took a stand and let the world know women were useful in sports also. The roles of women in the bible are different from the roles women in today’s society. The role of a woman today is best described as equal. Women for the most part are treated with the same respect as men and get the same opportunities. Women are portrayed in the bible stories as minorities. Women were used in two ways. They were used by men to seduce other men. They were used as sex symbols and nothing else. They were not looked at as people but as objects that can be used to suit the advantages of men. The second way women were used was as birth givers. Women were seen only useful when it came to giving birth and taking care of the children when they got older. They were seen... Free Essays on English There are several important events before 1500 that when listed together show a series of steps in the struggle for English language supremacy. These steps are mainly governmental, legal and official events that pushed English usage. In 1356 The Sheriff's Court in London and Middlesex were conducted in English for the first time. When Parliament opened in 1362 the Statute of Pleading was issued declaring English as a language of the courts as well as of Parliament, but it was not until 1413 that English became the official language of the courts everywhere. Thirteen years later in 1423, Parliament records start being written in English. 1400 marks date that English is used in writing wills, a seemingly small step, but one that impacted many people and began a legacy of record keeping in English. In 1450 English became the language used in writing town laws and finally 1489 saw all statutes written in English. But it was not until 1649 that English became the language of legal documents in place of Latin. The formal rules intended to keep the use of French in official capacities were not enough to combat the effects of the Black Death and the Hundred Years War between France and England, which both contributed greatly to the rise of English and fall of French. By the fourteenth century, English was again known by most people, although French was not forgotten, and the people who spoke French were generally bilingual. The Statute of Pleading made it law that English and not French would be used in the courts. However, it needs to be emphasized that at the end of this statement, it says that after the pleadings, debates, etc. in English were finished, they should be entered and enrolled in Latin. English became the official language of the court in 1413, but French was permitted until the eighteenth century. More than the official bureaucratic changes in rules and law were the changes in the use of the language by t...

Free Essays on Infidelity

What is the truth about infidelity? When two people who love each other decide to take a sacred vow â€Å"till death do us part†, a part of the commitment involves being loyal and faithful in every way. In a society such as ours, where the divorce rate is sky high, infidelity plays a major role and of great concern to all those who are presently married, or those who are someday hoping to be. In a perfect world, when one person finds his or her other half, then falls in love and gets married, the two people really represent one â€Å"whole† person. The thought of another person breaking up the â€Å"two halves that make a whole† is not even an issue. Think again, this world is not a great place, and often enough the most important person in ones life finds some reason to be unfaithful. Infidelity is a kind of thing that could leave a scar for all eternity. This research paper will focus on the topic of infidelity(1). The questions being researched are the following: to whom does it occur to; who exactly is being unfaithful; and why does it happen so often. The first conclusive study on the subject was that of a sex researcher Alfred Kinsley, who in 1953, found that fifty percent of husbands cheated and twenty six percent of wives cheated by the age of forty (Norment, 148). I guess that’s how life (1) For the purpose of this paper, infidelity will be defined as the unfaithfulness of wedding vows. More specifically, infidelity refers to one partner hiding the fact that he/she is not monogamous. used to be in 1950’s, therefore throughout the years people drew up a conclusion that men are the primary cheaters. Our society has always had a stereotypical view about men and infidelity. These days, according to sex researchers, woman under the age of forty are just as likely to commit adultery as men, who ar... Free Essays on Infidelity Free Essays on Infidelity What is the truth about infidelity? When two people who love each other decide to take a sacred vow â€Å"till death do us part†, a part of the commitment involves being loyal and faithful in every way. In a society such as ours, where the divorce rate is sky high, infidelity plays a major role and of great concern to all those who are presently married, or those who are someday hoping to be. In a perfect world, when one person finds his or her other half, then falls in love and gets married, the two people really represent one â€Å"whole† person. The thought of another person breaking up the â€Å"two halves that make a whole† is not even an issue. Think again, this world is not a great place, and often enough the most important person in ones life finds some reason to be unfaithful. Infidelity is a kind of thing that could leave a scar for all eternity. This research paper will focus on the topic of infidelity(1). The questions being researched are the following: to whom does it occur to; who exactly is being unfaithful; and why does it happen so often. The first conclusive study on the subject was that of a sex researcher Alfred Kinsley, who in 1953, found that fifty percent of husbands cheated and twenty six percent of wives cheated by the age of forty (Norment, 148). I guess that’s how life (1) For the purpose of this paper, infidelity will be defined as the unfaithfulness of wedding vows. More specifically, infidelity refers to one partner hiding the fact that he/she is not monogamous. used to be in 1950’s, therefore throughout the years people drew up a conclusion that men are the primary cheaters. Our society has always had a stereotypical view about men and infidelity. These days, according to sex researchers, woman under the age of forty are just as likely to commit adultery as men, who ar... Free Essays on Infidelity What is the truth about infidelity? When two people who love each other decide to take a sacred vow â€Å"till death do us part†, a part of the commitment involves being loyal and faithful in every way. In a society such as ours, where the divorce rate is sky high, infidelity plays a major role and of great concern to all those who are presently married, or those who are someday hoping to be. In a perfect world, when one person finds his or her other half, then falls in love and gets married, the two people really represent one â€Å"whole† person. The thought of another person breaking up the â€Å"two halves that make a whole† is not even an issue. Think again, this world is not a great place, and often enough the most important person in ones life finds some reason to be unfaithful. Infidelity is a kind of thing that could leave a scar for all eternity. This research paper will focus on the topic of infidelity(1). The questions being researched are the following: to whom does it occur to; who exactly is being unfaithful; and why does it happen so often. The first conclusive study on the subject was that of a sex researcher Alfred Kinsley, who in 1953, found that fifty percent of husbands cheated and twenty six percent of wives cheated by the age of forty (Norment, 148). I guess that’s how life (1) For the purpose of this paper, infidelity will be defined as the unfaithfulness of wedding vows. More specifically, infidelity refers to one partner hiding the fact that he/she is not monogamous. used to be in 1950’s, therefore throughout the years people drew up a conclusion that men are the primary cheaters. Our society has always had a stereotypical view about men and infidelity. These days, according to sex researchers, woman under the age of forty are just as likely to commit adultery as men, who ar...

Corporate welfare Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 3

Corporate welfare - Essay Example In addition, at the time lenders and creditors were unavailable. Numerous corporations were facing closure due to huge financial debts. With an objective to sustain the economy, the government had to develop strategies that would keep these organizations open; thus the creation of corporation welfare (Cay 24). Since is initiation the policy has been effective. Numerous corporations have been bailed out of financial crisis. In addition, the modern day corporate welfare policies are created to enhance the sustainability of major companies (Roger 44). For instance, agricultural subsidies in the United States are used to sustain large corporations in the industry (Roger 44). These corporations are able to sustain their financial burden. The current corporation welfare strategies have been criticized. Majority of the people embrace the modification that the money could be more useful tothe poor not large corporations (Fisher& Peters 89). For instance, it could be more effective if agricultural subsidies are used to support farmers rather that the major institutions in the

Analysis of Recent Microeconomics Events in the United States Term Paper

Analysis of Recent Microeconomics Events in the United States - Term Paper Example This paper outlines the magnitude of the influence of microeconomic trends on the overall state of American economy. Issues under consideration of micro economists vary from what factors impact the savings of consumers to how much firms should produce under the given circumstances.It is known that microeconomic decisions taken by individuals and organizations are influenced by considerations of cost and benefit. Costs relate to financial cost pertaining to cost of finance, such as total variable cost, opportunity cost and fixed cost. Interest rates have always been an indicator of a country’s economic status. Increase in the interest rates indicates a number of things such as the economy’s ability to absorb high interest rates, meaning that increased interest rates imply that the central bank assumes that different entities in the country will continue borrowing at higher interest rates, meaning that productivity will increase and the economy will grow. Increasing interest rates also tend to reduce inflation. Interest rates in the US have continued to remain around zero, which indicates that the economy is facing difficulties in enhancing production. It is believed that increasing interest rates at this time will create economic complexities for the country. Consumer confidence in America is presently very low, which is evident from the large numbers of homes that continue to remain on sale. The country needs to focus more strongly on issues such as consumer prices, housing market, debt load and interest rates. The country’s debt load continues to be massive and is growing steadily, which has depressed the economic environment and minimized growth. Whatever growth that happens is offset by the increasing debt, while low interest rates prevent the economy from affecting a recovery in the short run. Low interest does increase borrowings for businesses and individuals but the default rate in the US is very high; almost twenty percent. Consumers are reluctant to buy new homes and prefer to wait and watch as they are not currently prepared to take more loans during times of uncertainty, primarily because assets have the tendency to decline in value in the short term. In servicing its own debt, the US relies heavily upon foreign money by offering its assets such as government bonds to other nations. However, America’s credibility in this regard is gradually declining in view of its increasing debt. Countries such as China have begun to question the ability of the US to repay its deb ts. The US appears to be losing its status of a world super power because many countries have started looking elsewhere for investing. The employment situation in the US continues to deteriorate and the numbers of good jobs are consistently decreasing. The numbers of American citizens living in poverty are also increasing. Over the last few years, millions of job opportunities, thousands of businesses, and billions of dollars of the country’

Effects of Cell Phone on Media Essay Example for Free

Effects of Cell Phone on Media Essay The introduction and use of cell phone devices or technologies has transformed everyday practices of people. The role of cell phones the so called portable media devices has gone beyond communication where they are used in complicated multimedia hybrids, personal digital assistants that is PDAs, MP3 players, personal media centres and playing of games (Cary 17). This work therefore examines the effects of cell phone on media together with related or associated issues such as how they are changing the way people interact through watching televisions, advertisement and even reading of articles. Cell phone is being used by people in accessing email and web interface, as game device, MP3 player and digital video camera. The most common one is where people have used the mobile phones to access internet. There are also a number of cell phones that can receive television broadcast over the cellular network. Such cell phones are called phone-game hybrids and include: Nokia’s, N-Gage QD and Samsung’s new arrival that is the SCH-V450 and the Digital multimedia broadcasting handsets (Goggin 39, 2004). Mobile phones have also played a major role in communication, cultural studies and urban design where they are primarily considered as carrier of message or voice-carrier and text message transmission device. In this way cell phones have helped in carrying out advertisements. However, since the current media environment is evolving beyond the primary role of passing information, they are nowadays engaged in a number of functions in which many people view them as Sociotechnical devices, portable and interactive techno spaces which in turn form a variety of media-forms (Gatens 48 and Marvin, 26). Read more:Â  Harmful Effects of Mobile Phones on Students This makes cell-phone become devices which are not only viewed as telecommunication tools but also as transmedia tools. The message being conveyed here is that cell phones are considered both as communication tools and info-mediatic collections within which the technologies and practices of communication, information and media normally interact together. A part from carrying out communication or passing information, cell phones have also been in playing games, taking photographs and downloading materials such as polyphonic ring tones (Everett and Caldwell 53). This has been by the wireless application protocol (WAP) with I-mode technology that enables individuals using cell phone find it easy in downloading materials from the internet using their mobile phones. This was recently launched by the Japan Company called DoCoMo. The use of cell phones in watching news and movies has brought a lot of problems especially on the media industry. The cell phone industry has manipulated the scientific world where pornographic pictures are watched, news and other programs watched on television (Rheingold 175). Customers are lost by the media industry however this has not been proved. . The media industry has raised a lot of question on the problem posed to them by the cell phone industry. The industry looks at the cell industry to be making a lot of money since they loose their customers to them.. Entertainment nowadays can be done through cell phone. Most of the youths more so the adolescent who are the major customers of media industry are nowadays attracted by the cell phone industry (Cary 18, 1992). Games such as Gambling, electronic games, casinos, pod casting and music can be listened to using the cell phones. Cell phone has also promoted business activities. Market research, industry analysis broadcasting and even publishing are carried out using cell phone. Business men and entrepreneurs nowadays use cell phone to advertise their business. This shows that they have shifted their ways of promoting their business through T. V to mobile phones since most people own mobile phones with internet; it is easier for them to access or see the advertisement the moment they log into the internet. Media industry such as televisions that normally offer these programs increasingly face stiff competition from the mobile industry. The use of cell phone in reading novels has made it be referred to as a portable communication media and collection or convergence of technologies. As people use cell phones for reading novels it not only changes the reading habits of people but also changes other media. (Rheingold 161) For example the cell phone novel known as the deep love which was first published as text message was published as a book later(Kasesniemi18). The novel was later on produced and filmed as a movie then made into a television show. Even through the process of changing the cell-phone novel to a book, movie and into television show does not create a new medium. It has also affected other media at the same time. All the other technologies have been merged or conveyed together because of the cell phone (Levinson 132). .Conclusion The effect of cell phone on media is notable in every life. Rheingold (16, 2002) describes cell phone as a handheld communication tool that merges different technologies together. Some of the effects have been noted in reading and downloading of articles online. Online games can be played by the use of phones, movies and news that were initially watched on T. V screens can be watched using cell phones. This has brought a lot of problems on the media industry. As a matter of conclusion it can be said that cell phone has affected the media industry such as movie, film and television in a number of ways, which have been discussed above. Works Cited Crary, Jonathan. Techniques of the observer: on vision and Modernity in the nineteenth century. Cambridge; Mass: MIT Press, 1992. Crary, Jonathan. Suspensions of perception: attention, spectacle and modern culture. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1992. Everett, Anna and Caldwell J. T (Eds) Theories and Practices of Dijitextuality: New York: Routledge, 2003.

Free College Essays - Our Town by Thornton Wilder :: Wilder Our Town Essays

Our Town by Thornton Wilder The Stage Manager is a man of many roles. Usually a stage manager is part of the non-acting staff and in complete charge of the bodily aspects of the production. In Thornton Wilder’s Our Town, the Stage Manager goes well beyond his usual function in a play and undertakes a large role as a performer. In Our Town the Stage Manager is a narrator, moderator, philosopher, and an actor. Through these roles the Stage Manager is able to communicate the theme of universality in the play. The main role of the Stage Manager is that of narrator and moderator. He keeps the play moving by capsule summations and subtle hints about the future. "I’ve married over two-hundred couples in my day. Do I believe in it? I don’t know? M†¦.marries N†¦.millions of them. The cottage, the go-cart, the Sunday-afternoon drives in the Ford, the first rheumatism, the grandchildren, the second rheumatism, the deathbed, the reading of the will-once in a thousand times it’s in teresting"(699). Here the Stage Manager is giving insight about George and Emily’s future. He is hinting about their life and fate to come. "Goin’ to be a great engineer, Joe was. But the war broke out and he died in France. All that education for nothing" (673). The incidents discussed about are great events in George, Emily, and Joe’s lives. The Stage Manage emphasizes that the short things in these people’s lives are overlooked. There isn’t realization that it is the small parts of their lives that make a difference. His role as narrator differs from most narration. The Stage Manager’s narration shows casualness. The casualness connects the Stage Manager to the audience. "Presently the STAGE MANAGER, hat on and pipe in mouth†¦he has finished setting the stage and leaning against the right proscenium pillar watches the late arrivals in the audience."(671) The informality is evident since he smokes a pipe, wear s a hat, and leans formally against the proscenium pillar. He also greets and dismisses the audience at the beginning and end of each act. The stage manager interrupts daily conversation on the street. The Stage Manager enters and leaves the dialog at will. He is also giving the foresight of death in the play. His informality in dress, manners, and speech, connects the theme, universality, of the production to the audience.

Microsoft’s Management Planning

Microsoft’s Management Planning Paper Within this paper Microsoft’s organization will be assessed with the planning functions of management. Along with a brief analysis of Microsoft’s history and the impact that legal issues, ethics and corporate social responsibility have on the planning functions of management. It will also analyze the factors that influence the Microsoft’s strategic, operational, and contingency planning. The Microsoft corporation is one of the most prevalent and powerful companies in the private computer business. Established in 1975 by Paul Allen and Bill Gates, Microsoft has the strongest presence in just about all areas of computer software, from applications to programming tools. Bill Gates wanted to create a healthy, productive work environment that maintained its employees values and commitment of excellence. In building a corporation based on the principles of diversity and respect of one another’s individuality, Bill wanted to bring in the right people to manage his corporation that had the same common goals to achieve the main goal of having a thriving corporation. Planning is important at all levels of management within Microsoft. However, its distinctiveness differs by level of management. Within Microsoft the key terms of planning management functions are vision, mission, objectives and goals. Planning requires a organized approach and an establishment of objectives. It starts with setting goals and objectives that can be achieved. Those objectives provide a underlying principle for a variety of tasks as well as designate course of efforts. Additionally those objectives also focus the attention of the managers on the final results wanted to be achieved. Objectives are the core to the planning process. Consequently, objectives should be stated in a obvious, accurate and unequivocal manner. Otherwise the tasks to be carried out are sure to be inadequate. The establishment of planning principles are the hypothesis about the profile of prospective events. They serve as a basis of planning. It assists in finding out the obstacles in the way of business throughout the course of the process. Planning principles may be or external or internal. Internal consist of asset investment plans, executive labor affairs, beliefs of management. While external includes political, social, and economical transformation. Internal principles are controllable while external are not controllable. To facilitate the management of Microsoft the company is run by a Board of Directors. This is a strategic form of planning that impacts the legal issues, ethics and corporate and social responsibility of the company. The committees include the Compensation Committee, which grants compensation for the CEO and supplementary employees of the corporation; the Governance and Nominating Committee, which takes care of an assortment of corporate matters as well as nomination of the board; the Finance Committee, which takes care of financial matters such as recommended unifications and acquirements; the Audit Committee, which takes care of accounting issues with the corporation together with reports and audits; and the Antitrust Compliance Committee, which puts forth efforts to put a stop to company practice from violating antitrust laws. Other aspects to the corporate configuration are there is a Executive Team, comprised of sixteen corporate officers around the world, which is in charge of a variety of duties including making sure staff understand Microsoft's traditions of business. That team handles the worldwide matters. With planning being the primary function of management and what the other functions of management develop from, a manager can only organize and staff after strategies to obtain goals are in place. Microsoft management is accountable for and are evaluated on how they meet the organizational goals through the functional and competent use of their resources. They are evaluated by their performance in getting the goals obtained proficiently and successfully through their staff. Management is also evaluated on their decision-making abilities to put to use the four functions of management to achieve the organizational goals. There are different stages of management and within all of them the first function of management, the planning function, is involved. The three factors that influence Microsoft’s strategic, operational, and contingency planning are external and internal factors and environment. Strategic planning is one particular style of planning. Strategies are the result of strategic planning. Microsoft’s strategies classify its business, the criterion for entering the business, and the fundamental events that Microsoft will pursue in carrying out its business. Strategies are key plans that assign huge amounts of the company’s capital to projected events, intended to attain the main goals and objectives. Operational Planning views future as something that needs to be implemented now. This style of planning focuses on setting interim objectives. Takes on a larger amount of comprehensive planning regarding the way in which activities are to be achieved Now a solid contingency plan has a massive value for the organization and it responds to major changes in the environment. The development of a all-inclusive contingency plan completes an external and internal environmental study, evaluates vision, mission and objectives, and establishes strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. Microsoft’s mission statement is clear as stated (2008) on the website, â€Å"As a company, and as individuals, we value integrity, honesty, openness, personal excellence, constructive self-criticism, continual self-improvement, and mutual respect. We are committed to our customers and partners and have a passion for technology. We take on big challenges, and pride ourselves on seeing them through. We hold ourselves accountable to our customers, shareholders, partners, and employees by honoring our commitments, providing results, and striving for the highest quality. Microsoft promotes a diverse, supportive, and dynamic work environment. Within the frame work of the relationships build amongst each other they strive to be open, honest and respectful with everyone’s ideas and thoughts and input. Microsoft encourages a diverse workforce at all levels of the corporation. It is in that belief system that creating a work environment that enables people to fully appreciate t he diverse talents that others have to offer leads to improved modernization and creativeness within the products and services that the corporation provides to the public. Microsoft also encourages a cooperative and fruitful work environment by supporting the cultural and ethnic diversity of its workforce. They are dedicated to providing equal employment opportunities to all employees and applicants that are qualified. Planning is a decision making function that involves innovative thinking and imagination that eventually leads to advance methods and function for growth and wealth of an organization. Microsoft’s planning begins with purpose of objectives. Microsoft has big corporations resources with a small corporations suppleness and heart. Every flourishing corporation has the ability to use its resources and power to make a positive impact on the world and its people and with the Microsoft corporation being one of the most prevalent and powerful companies in the private computer industry, it has proven without a shadow of a doubt that it has done just that. They draw attention to the purposes for which various activities are to be carried out. With this the planning help in focusing the attention of staff on the objectives or goals of the organization. Without planning Microsoft has no direction. It requires manager to prepare a outline of the course of action that are to be followed for all completion of objectives and consequently bringing organization and level-headedness into the company. The duty and principles to help people and realize the true potential is what sets the Microsoft corporation apart from the rest.

Disney Corporate Strategy(a).Pdf Essay

Introduction The next big takeover fight – and it would be a beauty – may involve Walt Disney Productions. By the time you get this issue, Disney’s defense strategy may already be unfolding. But it will produce no quick victory for Disney even if a white knight comes along, and even if the principle attacker, Saul Steinberg, can be bought off. One by one, Hollywood’s great studios have been plucked by the smart out-of-town moneymen. Paramount by the late Charles Bluhdorn. Twentieth Century-Fox by Marvin Davis and Marc Rich. MGMUnited Artists by Kirk Kerkorian. Columbia by Coca-Cola. Now, it may be Disney’s turn. But Disney will not go quietly. – Forbes, June 4, 1984 Ron Miller, Disney Productions’ CEO reflected on the remarkable events of the past several months. Disney, the symbol of wholesome family entertainment, had become the target of a hostile takeover attempt by a well-known raider, Saul Steinberg. Steinberg now owned 12% of th e firm and was threatening to acquire more. While Miller had orchestrated several defensive maneuvers, Steinberg had now announced a public tender offer to purchase 49% of the equity at a price that was a 45% premium over where the stock had been prior to the raid. To fund this purchase, Steinberg was promising to sell the film library and certain real estate assets to outside investors. Steinberg also had a track record of accepting greenmail, having received $47 million just months prior from Quaker State Oil Company. Miller faced a clear dilemma as to how best to respond. Should he continue the defensive fight by paying greenmail or should he encourage the board to sell the company? History of Disney With a $500 loan, animator Walt Disney and his brother Roy founded Walt Disney Productions, an animation film studio, in 1923 in Anaheim California. One of Disney’s first popular cartoons was â€Å"Oswald the Lucky Rabbit.† Unfortunately, Disney lost the 1 Research Asso ciate Peter Eberle prepared this case under the supervision of Professor Todd R. Zenger of the Olin School of Business for exclusive use as an in-class discussion piece. The information in this case was obtained from published sources and in some instances raw data has been estimated. *This case is based upon â€Å"Walt Disney Productions: Greenmail† published by Harvard Business School Publishing, 1988. September 2002 Revised September 2009 contract dispute with his distributor because Disney did not own the copyright. After this incident, Disney was very astute about maintaining copyright control over his characters and content. Disney’s breakthrough came in 1928 with the animated short, â€Å"Steamboat Willie,† the first animated film featuring sound. It also introduced the first of many famous and timeless Disney cartoon characters, Mickey Mouse. Disney also was the first to use color animation with the cartoon â€Å"Flowers and Trees† in 1930. In another innovative and risky move, Disney created and released the first feature-length animated film, â€Å"Snow White,† in 1937. At the time, full-length animated films were not considered commercially viable. Nonetheless, â€Å"Snow White† was a critical and commercial success and was the first in a string of animated films over the next decades, including: â€Å"Pinocchio,† â€Å"Fantasia,† â€Å"Dumbo,† â€Å"Bam bi,† â€Å"Peter Pan,† â€Å"Cinderella,† and â€Å"Sleeping Beauty.† Disney’s films were initially successful due to the style and high quality of animation, attention to detail, timeless and family-oriented story lines, and timeless characters such as Mickey Mouse, Goofy, and Donald Duck. Disney not only used these characters throughout multiple films and cartoons, but also leveraged and increased their reach through merchandising, beginning in 1929 with a licensed Mickey Mouse pencil tablet. Placing these characters on T-shirts, watches, toys and other items increased both profits and recognition of the characters, and Disney, among consumers. Following his success in animated films, Disney moved into non-animated films in the 1944 with the establishment of the Educational and Industrial Film Division. The first major success of this division was â€Å"Seal Island,† a nature film that won an Oscar in 1949. Also in 1949, Disney formed a mus ic company to create, produce and maintain control over the music and songs featured in Disney productions but often performed by famous artists. Disney later moved into live-action features with â€Å"Treasure Island† in 1950. Disney continued to innovate in the live-action format by combining animation with live action in the film â€Å"Mary Poppins.† As Disney’s film library had grown, Disney brought distribution in-house with the formation of Buena Vista Distribution Co., in 1953. In films, Disney kept costs low by developing its own talent pool. For cartoon features, characters were infinitely reusable and never required a salary, while for live-action features, Disney shied away from using well-known and expensive talent. Audiences were drawn because of the reputation Disney had established for providing quality, reliable, and predictable family entertainment. In the early 1950s, Disney was quick to recognize the growing medium of television to provide new outlets for Disney characters with â€Å"The Wonderful World of Disney† first airing in 1953 and â€Å"The Mickey Mouse Club† in 1955. Disney’s television productions both the long-running shows and features were quite successful. During the same time, Walt Disney envisioned a theme park that would bring the characters and stories of Disney to life featuring entertainment for all ages. Again, his idea was considered too risky and he was unable to raise substantial outside funding for the project. He purchased 225 acres outside of Anaheim and opened Disneyland in 1955. Disney Strategy (A) 2 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 Disneyland was hugely successful, grossing $10 million in 1956. Cross-promotion of the park was achieved through featuring it on the â€Å"Wonderful World of Disney.† The only drawback of Disneyland was that private hotel, restaurant and shop owners who built adjacent to the park profited hugely from park attendance, but Disney was unable to share in these revenues. Additionally, due to the small size of the park there was little room for further development both inside and outside of the park To address the drawbacks of Disneyland, Disney purchased 28,000 acres near Orlando Florida in 1964 and 1965. This would provide the site for Walt Disney World, which would include not only the theme park aspects of Disneyland, but also hotels and accommodations, shopping, camping, natural areas, and permanent residential and industrial areas. Also, with 28,000 acres (as opposed to Disneyland’s 225) there was ample room for future expansion. As with Disneyland, Walt Disney World was extremely well planned and laid out with no expense spared to achieve the quality and attention to detail for which Disney was known. Following the opening in 1972, the park was wildly popular and extremely profitable, attracting 11 million visitors and bringing in $139 million in revenues its first year. Walt Disney World would shortly become the number one travel destination in the world. Disney formed the Walt Disney Travel Company to work with travel agents, tour organizers and airlines in order to drive travel to the Walt Disney World area. Walt Disney World provided the stage for another of Disney’s visionary exploits, the Experimental Prototype Community of Tomorrow (EPCOT), the concept for which Disney laid out prior to his death in 1966. EPCOT’s construction began in the 1970’s and it opened in 1982. Following Walt’s d eath, Roy O. Disney assumed leadership and focused on the theme parks: completing Walt Disney World and EPCOT. The successes of the theme parks led to a joint venture with the Oriental Land Company of Japan in 1976 to develop Tokyo Disneyland, which opened in 1983. This project required no capital investment from Disney, who received a percentage-based licensing fee, as well as provided consulting services during operations. The venture was completely owned by the Japanese partner, but was planned and operated by Disney. In 1983, the Disney Television group entered the cable TV distribution with the Disney Channel. Also in 1983, they launched Touchstone Films, an independent film label, to allow Disney to produce and market films with more mature content and reach a more adult audience where movie attendance was strong. It was hoped that an independent label would not tarnish the Disney image. The first release was â€Å"Splash,† in 1984, which was the highest grossing Disney film since 1964. Walt Disney Productions’ Businesses As Disney grew over time, new subsidiaries and divisions were created as Disney engaged in new activities. The corporate office grew to manage the various subsidiaries and divisions. By the late 70’s, Disney had four primary business lines: Entertainment & Recreation, Motion Pictures, Consumer products, and Real Estate. Disney Strategy (A) 3 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 The Motion Pictures group oversaw animation and production of films, managed rerelease of existing film properties, television production, and the cable television channel. This division’s contribution to revenues and net income to the overall company had steadily decreased over time, falling off significantly by the mid-70’s (with the groups actually losing money in 1983). Production of animated films fell off with the slack being taken up by live action films including sequel series such as Herbie, â€Å"The Love Bug.† Walt had been averse to sequels and following popular sentiment. Live-action films released during the 70’s had been perennial money losers contributing heavily to the drag in divisional earnings. It was hoped that the newly established Touchstone Films studio would appeal to a wider range of audiences and increase both revenue and profitability. In 1983, Disney’s long standing presence on prime time television ended with the cancel lation of â€Å"The Wonderful World of Disney.† The group relied on re-release of the classic animated features to bolster revenue, often tying distribution of new films to the re-releases. This also had the effect of constantly introducing younger generations to the Disney classics. While the value of Disney’s film library was significant, the group found difficulty in determining the best vehicle to realize the maximum value. It was felt the television and home video releases would cannibalize or otherwise lessen the existing, profitable, theatre re-release channel. It was estimated the value of Disney’s film library was worth $275 million (Exhibit 6). While having a successful launch, the Disney cable pay-channel would take a number of years before becoming profitable. The Entertainment & Recreation division managed the theme parks, hotels, managing the licensing arrangement with Tokyo Disneyland, and management of the land surrounding Disney World. While the theme park and resort business was the most recent new business, or â€Å"diversification† move by Disney, it had grown to dominance in the corporation. In terms of revenue and net income, it accounted for close to 79% of total revenue and 90% of total corporate profits (Exhibit 1). While operating income jumped significantly in 1983, the prior years provided very modest growth. Moreover, attendance at Disneyland had been flat for five years. Consumer Products managed the merchandising of Disney characters and intellectual properties that included character merchandising (the lead revenue generator), publishing and books, music and records, and educational media. The division had been consistently profitable, but there was concern because of increased competition from newer cartoon characters with more television exposure. Operating income had been rather flat over the prior four years. Leadership at Walt Disney Productions From the founding of the company until his death, Walt Disney created or approved every major strategic move and development. He provided the vision and decisive leadership that made Walt Disney Productions successful. He realized his belief that one Disney Strategy (A) 4 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 could create a timeless entertainment experience that would appeal to the entire family, children and adults a like. Additionally, he maintained complete control over the customer’s entertainment experience in order to ensure that the Disney philosophy and experience was complete. Walt Disney constantly innovated and took significant risks on new ideas and concepts, most of which met with significant success. His confidence and acumen in identifying and vigorously pursuing good ideas led to many firsts in entertainment. Walt Disney also placed great importance on passing the Disney culture and values on to all employees, including executives, with all new employees attending a training program where the company’s value and strategy were explained. Great value was placed on communicating openly, teamwork, creativity, and cooperation. Walt inspired a congenial, informal atmosphere throughout the organization. This culture was very deep among employees, many of whom spent their entire careers with Disney. Disney University was founded to be the keeper and purveyor of the Disney culture. Walt, who died on December 14, 1966, was succeeded by his brother, Roy O. Disney. Upon Roy’s death in 1971, Card Walker, who had been with the company since 1938, assumed the leadership position. Following the completion of EPCOT center, Card resigned and was succeeded by Ron Miller. Being Walt Disney’s son-in-law, it had been expected that Ron Miller would eventually be appointed to CEO. Prior to his appointment to CEO in 1983, he had led the Disney film studio since 1976. Ron Miller, a football star at USC, had met Walt’s daughter Diane while in college and married shortly thereafter. Following a brief stint in the Military he played for the Los Angeles Rams football team. Concerned over his being knocked unconscious in two games, Walt urged him to quit football and work for the company. In general, people were promoted from within the company ranks, usually based on seniority. Through 1984, Disney was managed by its founders, family and insiders who had grown up within the organization. Although possessing many years of experience within Disney, the post-Walt management lacked Walt’s vision and leadership. At the core of Disney were Walt’s ideas and grand accomplishments to which it seemed that no one but Walt could build upon. And, attempts to capture and pass down his leadership style were unsuccessful. Additionally, much of the focus following Walt’s death was on fulfilling his final wishes and serving as caretakers to the kingdom. Upon taking control, Ron Miller saw the need to create new legacies for Disney, particularly in the films gro up. Some positives resulted, including the creation of the Touchstone label and release of successful films like â€Å"Tron† and â€Å"Splash.† Nonetheless, these additive actions lacked the impact that many of Walt’s grand ideas had had on the company and the industry. Disney Strategy (A) 5 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 In 1983, the Disney family collectively held around 13.7% of Disney with Roy E. Disney being the largest of the family shareholders with around 3% ownership and a seat on the Board of Directors. Managers and long-time employees held 2-7% of the company. With the super majority vote rule in place, requiring in excess of 80% shareholder approval to affect a management change, and unified Disney and management shareholder group, the current management felt that it could operate without concern of shareholder and market pressures. Financial Performance and Condition From the early 1960’s until a peak in 1973, Disney’s stock price had steadily outperformed the S&P 500. In the following years the stock price had declined somewhat and then stagnated through the late 70’s and early 80’s (Exhibit 4). While the share price had peaked at $84 per share in early 1983 after the initial success of EPCOT, it fell into the $40-range following news of losses in the film division. Additionally, EPS performance had declined significantly from a peak of $4.16 per share in 1980 to $2.70 per share in 1983, the lowest EPS in the past 6 years. Throughout its history, Disney had generally operated completely free of debt, only occasionally taking on debt for completion of large projects, such as with the final construction phases of EPCOT in 1981, 1982 and 1983 (Exhibit 1). Prior to 1981, Disney was relatively debt free since 1977. Even when Disney took on debt, leverage was low (with a coverage ratio of 11.6 in 1983). Due to the tremendous amount of free cash flow thrown off from the theme parks, Disney had been able to internally fund growt h without needing to access the capital markets regularly. The debt taken on to complete EPCOT, as prior experience dictated, would be paid down rather quickly once revenue from EPCOT was realized. However, there was growing dissatisfaction and impatience among the investing community in regards to management’s lack of urgency regarding Disney’s lackadaisical stock performance. Although near-term earnings forecasts predicted improvements, there were no signs of improvement in stock value. Analysts and the media had begun to increase pressure on management by publishing the break-up value of Disney’s business lines. These values ranged from $60 to as much as $110 per share, well above the current trading value (Exhibit 3). Moreover, the end of year 1983 book value per share (total assets/shares outstanding) was around $68 per share while the year-end stock price was $52-5/8. Hostile Takeover Attempts, Defense and Greenmail On March 9, 1984 the price of Walt Disne y Productions stock was $52-1/4 and had been stable over the past 6 months. On March 9, Roy E. Disney resigned from the Board of Directors after being re-elected to the Board in February. Shortly thereafter, trading volume of Disney stock increased several times over the average daily volume, pushing the price upward (Exhibit 5). By March 23, Disney stock closed at $66-7/8. In Disney Strategy (A) 6 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 preparation of an apparent takeover attempt, Ron Miller and his management team increased Disney’s credit line from $400 million to $1.3 billion. At the end of March, Saul Steinberg’s Reliance Financial Services Corporation announced that it had purchased 6.3% of Disney’s stock and intended to buy more. By April 13, Steinberg had increased his share of Disney to 9.3%, costing around $176.9 million. Roy E. Disney had also increased his share of Disney to 4% from 2.7%. In late April, Steinberg declared his intent to increase his share to as much as 25% and executed a million share block purchase on May 1st for $65.50 per share. After assembling a takeover defense team, Disney announced a deal to acquire Arvida Corporation on May 17th. Arvida was a southeastern US real estate development company that was controlled by the Bass brothers of Texas who had purchased 70% of Arvida for $20 million five months prior. The Bass brothers would receive $200 million in Disney s tock. The deal was denounced separately by both Steinberg and Roy E. Disney as destroying shareholder value. Steinberg threatened to block the transaction by buying control of Disney and selling the assets. In spite of Roy E. Disney’s opposition and Steinberg’s threat, the acquisition was closed, issuing 3.3 million shares, or 8.8% of Disney, to the Bass Brothers. Steinberg’s 4.2 million shares now controlled only 10% of the company down from 12%. The move also diluted Roy E. Disney’s ownership stake. In a further move to dilute Steinberg’s ownership stake, Disney announced a deal on June 6th 1984 to acquire Gibson Greeting Cards for $310 million in stock from an LBO partnership. Gibson Greeting cards had licensed numerous popular cartoon characters (Bugs Bunny, Garfield the Cat, etc.) for its cards but did not have any licensing agreements for Disney characters. The acquisition of Gibson, which had been purchased from RCA in 1982 for $80 million ( most of which was debt), would add $41 million to Disney’s debt and dilute Disney’s equity by an additional $310 million in stock. Two days later in an attempt to block the deal, Saul Steinberg made a tender offer of $67.50 per share cash for 37.1% of Disney Stock with a promise to boost the offer to $72.50 in cash and securities for cancellation of the Gibson acquisition. By that time, Steinberg had spent $265.6 million for his 10% ownership stake in Disney. Steinberg obtained additional financing to support this tender offer by granting Kirk Kerkorian, the controlling shareholder in MGM/UA, an option to purchase all of Disney’s motion picture and cable TV assets and to the Fisher Brothers, the right to develop Disney land surrounding the theme parks for hotels. The Present Dilemma Nothing in Ron Miller’s experience had prepared him for these circumstances. He had assembled a defensive team to fight the hostile takeover, but perhaps allowing Disney’s breakup was a better option. Should he buy off Steinberg with greenmail? If so, at what price and how could this be justified to shareholders? Disney Strategy (A) 7 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 Exhibit 1 WALT DISNEY COMPANY FINANCIAL INFORMATION source: Disney Annual Reports, Disney Corporate Fact Books, Mergent, Global Access Note: Some numbers are estimates and slight structural modifications have been made to produce â€Å"standardized† statements CONSOLIDATED STATEMENT OF INCOME (in millions of dollars) Year Ended September 30th Revenues Filmed Entertainment Theme Parks & Resorts Consumer Products Total Segment Revenue Costs & Expenses Filmed Entertainment Theme Parks & Resorts Total Segment Costs Operating Income Filmed Entertainment Theme Parks & Resorts Consumer Products Total Segment Operating Income Total Operating Income Corporate Activities General & Administrative Expenses Net Interest (Income) Expense Acquisition Related Costs Design Projects Abandoned Total Corporate Expenses (Income) 7.3 56.9 5.1 21.3 4.6 -2.3 4.3 -16.7 2.4 -8.2 35.6 14.1 30.9 -14.8 26.2 -33.1 21.3 -42.1 17.8 -28.4 -$33.4 197.0 56.9 220.4 $220.4 $19.6 132.6 47.8 200.0 $200.0 $34.6 129.4 50.6 214.7 $214.7 $48.7 127.5 55.0 231.3 $231.3 $4 0.2 120.6 44.8 205.7 $205.7 $198.9 834.0 1,086.7 $182.5 593.0 830.2 $162.2 562.4 790.0 $112.3 515.9 682.9 $111.8 387.8 535.4 $165.5 1,031.0 110.7 1,307.4 $202.1 725.6 102.5 1,030.3 $196.8 691.8 116.0 1,005.0 $161.0 643.4 109.7 914.5 $152.0 508.4 80.6 741.0 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 Income Before Income Taxes (EBIT) Unusual Charges Income Taxes Net Income Earnings (Loss) Per Share Avg. Number of Common Shares Outstanding 163.5 70.3 $93.2 $2.70 34.5 178.8 78.7 $100.1 $3.01 33.2 217.0 95.5 $121.5 $3.72 32.6 248.0 112.8 $135.2 $4.16 32.5 213.9 100.1 $113.8 $3.51 32.4 Disney Strategy (A) 8 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 WALT DISNEY COMPANY FINANCIAL INFORMATION CONSOLIDATED BALANCE SHEET (in millions of dollars) September 30th Assets Cash & Cash Equivalents Investments Accounts Receivable Merchandise Inventories Inventories Income Taxes Refundable Film & Television Costs Prepaid Expenses Theme Parks, Resorts and Other Property, at cost Attractions, Buildings and Equipment Accumulated Depreciation 2,251.3 -504.4 1,746.9 Projects in Progress land 108.1 16.7 1,871.8 Other Assets Total Assets Liabilities & Stockholders’ Equity Accounts Payable Income Taxes Payable Borrowings Unearned Royalty & Other Advances Other Deferred Income Taxes Other Long Term Liabilities, Unearned Royalties & Advances Stockholders’ Equity Common Stock (1) Common Stock Internet Group Paid-in Capital Retained Earnings Less Treasury Stock & Compensation Fund Shares Total Stockholder’s Equity Total Liabilities & Stockholders’ Equity 1,401.0 $2,381.2 1,274.8 $2,102.8 1,167.1 $1,610.0 1,075.0 $1,347.4 961.0 $1,196.4 738.6 1,400.5 686.5 1,274.8 626 .2 1,167.1 537.1 1,074.4 425.2 961.1 661.9 588.3 540.9 537.7 535.9 321.8 110.0 181.0 94.7 89.0 61.9 96.8 98.0 $187.6 50.6 346.0 109.6 $210.8 26.6 315.0 $148.5 33.1 110.0 $109.0 36.2 30.4 $74.6 45.2 18.6 93.7 $2,381.2 1,916.6 -419.9 1,496.7 160.1 16.4 1,673.2 103.0 $2,102.8 968.2 -384.5 583.7 469.2 16.4 1,069.4 21.3 $1,610.0 935.2 -352.1 583.1 163.1 16.4 762.5 19.4 $1,347.4 882.1 -310.8 571.4 60.7 16.3 648.4 19.2 $1,196.4 $18.1 0.0 102.9 77.9 77.9 70.0 126.9 19.8 66.7 41.0 108.0 18.2 59.8 0.0 120.6 15.4 120.3 11.4 85.8 8.9 54.6 41.9 $13.7 0.0 79.0 $5.9 248.4 69.3 $9.7 318.5 50.7 $8.8 346.1 37.1 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 (1) For the years 1983 and prior; Disney Stock no par value, 75,000 shares Auth., 33,729 billion shares issued & 34,509 outstanding Disney Strategy (A) 9 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 WALT DISNEY COMPANY FINANCIAL INFORMATION CONSOLIDATED STATEMENT OF CASH FLOWS (in millions of dollars) Year Ended September 30 Cash Provided by Operations Net Income Income from continuing operations before taxes and cumulative effect of accounting changes Income taxes (paid) refunded, net Charges to Income Not Requiring Cash Outlays Depreciation Amortization of Film & Television Costs Other Changes in Receivables Merchandise Inventories Prepaid Expenses and Other Assets Deferred Income Taxes Total Cash Provided by Operations Investing Activities Film & Television Costs Theme Parks, Resorts, and Other Property Other Total Cash Used by Investing Activities Financing Activities Borrowings Reduction of Borrowings Repurchases of Common Stock Dividends Other Total Cash (Used) Provided by Financing Cash Provided by Discontinued Operations Increase (Decrease) in Cash Cash Balance, Beginning of Year Cash Balance, End of Year 4.4 13.7 $18.1 -240.6 254.3 $13.6 -74.0 328.3 $254.3 -26.6 354.9 $328.3 80.6 274.3 $354.9 41.1 102.8 $151.7 39.7 48.2 $277.1 32.4 32.1 $142.4 23.3 11.6 $11.7 15.5 8.5 $10.0 137.5 -99.9 205.0 110.0 0.0 n/a 83.8 333.7 26.0 -$443.5 52.3 614.4 85.9 -$752.8 55.4 333.4 5.9 -$394.7 68.4 149.7 1.6 -$219.7 -$91.5 44.4 56.6 -25.9 -11.2 13.3 -2.6 $337.4 1.1 -6.9 15.2 4.6 $274.8 $210.8 $204.7 $182.8 -18.6 -5.1 24.1 -13.6 -12.8 23.8 90.2 65.6 15.5 41.9 64.9 9.9 38.9 52.2 9.4 43.1 33.9 6.5 40.4 5.3 2.4 $163.4 29.0 $178.8 -34.6 $216.9 -106.1 $247.9 -121.8 $ 113.8 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 Disney Strategy (A) 10 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 WALT DISNEY COMPANY FINANCIAL INFORMATION KEY FINANCIAL RATIOS ROE (NI/total shareholder’s equity) (ROE was 22% in ’65, 16% in ’55, and 7% in ’45) ROA (NI/total assets) Operating Margin (operating rev. – sga/total rev) Debt to Equity (total debt/total shareholders equity) Total Debt to Assets (Current & L/T Borrowings/Total Assets) Divisional Operating Margins (div. op. inc./div. rev.) Filmed Entertainment Theme Parks & Resorts Consumer Products Divisional Contributions to Total Revenue (div. rev./total rev) Filmed Entertainment Theme Parks & Resorts Consumer Products 12.7% 78.9% 8.5% 19.6% 70.4% 9.9% 19.6% 68.8% 11.5% 17.6% 70.4% 12.0% 20.5% 68.6% 10.9% -20.2% 19.1% 51.4% 9.7% 18.3% 46.6% 17.6% 18.7% 43.6% 30.2% 19.8% 50.1% 26.4% 23.7% 55.6% 3.9% 14.1% 24.7% 14.5% 4.8% 16.4% 24.7% 15.0% 7.5% 18.8% 9.4% 6.8% 10.0% 23.0% 2.8% 2.3% 9.5% 25.4% 1.9% 1.6% 1983 6.7% 1982 7.9% 1981 10.4% 1980 12.6% 1979 11.8% 1975 10% 1970 10% Divisional Contribution to Operating Income (Div. Op. Inc./Total Segment Op. Inc.) Filmed Entertainment Theme Parks & Resorts Consumer Products -15.2% 89.4% 25.8% 9.8% 66.3% 23.9% 16.1% 60.3% 23.6% 21.1% 55.1% 23.8% 19.5% 58.6% 21.8% Disney Strategy (A) 11 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 Exhibit 2 WALT DISNEY PRODUCTIONS, JUNE 1984 Other Financial Date (in thousands) Entertainment and Recreation Walt Disney World Admission and rides Merchandise sales Food sales Lodging Disneyland Admissions and rides Participant fees, Walt Disney Travel Co. Tokyo Disneyland royalties and other Total revenues Theme Park Attendance Walt Disney World Disneyland Total Motion Pictures Theatrical Domestic Foreign Television Worldwide Home-Video & NonTheatrical Worldwide Total revenues Consumer Products and Other 1983 $278,320 172,324 178,791 98,105 102,619 45,669 1982 $153,504 121,410 121,329 81,427 98,273 44,481 1981 $139,326 121,465 114,951 70,110 92,065 44,920 1980 $130,144 116,187 106,404 61,731 87,066 41,703 1979 $121,276 101,856 95,203 54,043 75,758 35,865 83,044 $1,031,202 22,712 9,980 32,692 28,502 $725,610 12,560 10,421 22,981 29,282 $691,811 13,221 11,343 24,564 28,005 $643,380 13,783 11,522 25,305 26,843 $571,079 13,792 10,760 24,552 $38,635 43,825 27,992 55,006 $165,458 $45,429 20,006 30,666 10,269 4,327 $55,408 64,525 44,420 37,749 $202,102 $35,912 20,821 26,884 15,468 3,453 $54,624 76,279 43,672 22,231 $196,806 $30,555 24,658 27,358 21,148 12,704 $63,350 78,314 19,736 10,565 $171,965 $29,631 22,284 23,432 21,908 1,905 $49,594 57,228 27,903 9,273 $144,058 $24,787 18,985 16,129 19,967 1,768 Character merchandising Publications Records and music publishing Educational media Other Disney Strategy (A) 12 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 Exhibit 3 Comparable Valuations For Disney’s Businesses 1984 source: Analysts’ comments in June 4, 1984, Forbes Magazine article, â€Å"Who Will Win the Keys to Disney’s Magic Kingdom?† Shares Disney Outstanding = 34.5 million Disney annual royalty revenue from Tokyo Disney Land = $20 million Business Line Transaction/Source Taft Broadcasting Theme Parks purchase Date Valuation Multiple/Worth Comments Disney may deserve an additional premium due to the brand name Some still see this as one of the most unexploited assets in Disney Tremendous library and recent signs of turnaround may erase poor performance Theme Parks 1984 2 times Revenues Consumer Products Forbes/Analyst Comments 1984 3-3.5 times Rev. Film, Studio & Cable Forbes/Analyst Comments Hotels Land Forbes/Analyst Comments Forbes/Analyst Comments 1984 1984 1984 2-2.5 times Rev. $ 300 million $ 300 million Disney Strategy (A) 13 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 Exhibit 4 Disney Share Price Performance Compared to the S&P 500 January 1970 – August 1984 Disney Strategy (A) 14 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 Exhibit 5 Walt Disney Share Price and Trading Volume During the Hostile Takeover January 1984 – August 1984 Disney Strategy (A) 15 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 Exhibit 5 Continued: Disney Strategy (A) 16 Olin Business School September 2002 Revised September 2009 Exhibit 6 WALT DISNEY PRODUCTIONS, JUNE 1984 Estimated Probable Minimum Library Values as of 1983 Value ($ millions) 500 275 950 Approximate No. of Titles 1,800 features 25 animated, 125 live action, 500 shorts 4,600 features (2,200 MGM), 1,310 shorts, 1,080 cartoons 700 features 1,400 features 3,000 features, 12,500 TV episodes 1,600 features Columbia Pictures Disney MGM/UA Entertainment Paramount Twentieth Century Fox Universal Warner Bros. Total 275 350 700 450 3,450 Disney Strategy (A) 17 Olin Business School

The Ante-Bellum Background The WritePass Journal

The Ante-Bellum Background The Ante-Bellum Background IntroductionThe Early Reconstruction EraChapter oneThe Foundations of African-American EducationIndependent African-American SchoolhousesChapter TwoChapter ThreeConclusionRelated Introduction Prior to the American Civil War, 1861-1865, a system of state education did not exist in the Confederate South. Taxation to subsidise public schooling had not yet been introduced and education remained localised to affluent white communities.  Within Georgia, as throughout the South, schools were privately organised and sustained.  In 1858, however, Governor Brown secured the passage of law to establish a common school system in Georgia, which intended to provide tuition for every white child in the state.  This law was never enacted and instead collapsed with the defeat of the Confederacy. Nevertheless, Brown’s proposed legislation remains significant for its characterisation of contemporary Southern white attitudes; black education held no interest to the state. In a society structured upon African-American slavery, this is unsurprising. Indeed, state legislation prohibited the instruction of African-Americans throughout the South, and Georgia was no exception.  In 1833, a Georgia law secured the punishment of any person, by fine or imprisonment, discovered to be teaching any ‘slave, negro or free person of colour. Despite these proscriptions, the enslaved and free African-American community alike yearned for knowledge; a craving that strengthened during the post-bellum Reconstruction period.  This desire was not only motivated by the importance of education to racial progress, but also the realisation that knowledge equated to power.  African-Americans anticipated that attaining an education meant ‘seizing a weapon’  which could challenge the established racial hierarchy. Education symbolised equality. The Early Reconstruction Era In December 1864, Georgia surrendered to the Union. Defeat secured freedom for the formerly enslaved and likewise liberated African-Americans from restrictive legislation preventing their instruction. The emancipation of Georgia’s slaves was subsequently reinforced by the Thirteenth Amendment, 1865, formally abolishing the institution of servitude throughout the South.  In the Reconstruction period, however, African-Americans in Georgia, and the South as a whole, were confronted with crisis regarding their desire for education. The black community lacked existing formal schooling and racial prejudice prevented African-Americans attending the educational institutions of white society. Moreover, war destroyed the Southern landscape and Georgia itself was ‘exhausted and clubbed to her knees.’  Ã‚  The destruction of both towns and plantations resulted in widespread poverty. This economic hardship was intensified among the newly emancipated population, who, with a lack of state support, were forced to fend for themselves. Nevertheless, despite this destitution, African-American schooling encompassed Georgia within a year of surrender, a trend representative of the entire South. Previous historiography has adopted varying approaches to this movement, attributing its emergence to differing factors. Of particular interest to historians preceding the 1980s was the role of Northern whites: the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands (the Freedmen’s Bureau) and Northern benevolent associations.  Peirce, for example, argues the Freedmen’s Bureau ‘inaugurated the system of [black] instruction’  by providing an infrastructure to coordinate the efforts of philanthropic associations and monetary contributions. Furthermore, previous scholarship emphasises the role of the Bureau in conjunction with benevolent associations, asserting black education was a ‘cooperative venture.’  Similarly to the Bureau, Northern aid societies donated material aid and, additionally, transported qualified teachers to the South. With reference to Georgia, Thompson argues African-American education originated from, and was maintained by, the combined resources which Northern whites were able to accumulate. Fundamentally, ‘the education of negroes was left to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropy.’ Implicit within both these perspectives is the assumption that education was bestowed upon African-Americans, who displayed little initiative towards their own schooling. Indeed, Bentley’s A History of the Freedmen’s Bureau (1955) judged the freedpeople’s response as ‘piteous.’  Primary evidence, however, contradicts this scholarship. Various sources suggest black communities provided valuable support to the educational movement; financial donations, despite poverty, are regularly recorded.  Numerous scholars pre-dating the 1980s were therefore consciously selective in their use of evidence by devaluing, or dismissing, the role of African-Americans, preferring to emphasise the role of Northern whites. This perspective can be ascribed to contextual influences. In the late-1960s and early-1970s, the Civil Rights Movement gained momentum in America. Arguably, this changing social history may have subconsciously impacted upon written history; racial prejudice perhaps obscured personal judgement. Developing this conservative approach, historians of the 1980s and early-1990s recognise the educational movement involved, to an extent, African-Americans themselves. Whilst scholarship of this decade likewise attributes the emergence of black education to Northern whites, it also acknowledges African-Americans ‘seized opportunities offered’  to them and made important contributions of their own. Holt argues freedpeople of North Carolina exploited the household economy to assist the maintenance of schoolhouses erected by the Bureau.  Similarly, Cimbala emphasises the significance of African-American financial contributions within Georgia; a necessity to supplement Northern funds.  Furthermore, Butchart notes that as Northern financial assistance dwindled in 1869 due to lack of funds, African-Americans throughout the South adopted the dual responsibility of financing and operating schools. Whilst these scholars appreciate African-American education was a joint enterprise, whereby the black community worked in co-operation with Northern whites, only recent research suggests the educational movement originated from ‘black impetus.’  Modern scholarship has gradually credited the inauguration of African-American education to the African-American community. This conclusion has been applied in particular to Maryland and South Carolina, both of which have been utilised as case-studies generalising the broader movement of the South. Convincingly, Jenkins argues African-Americans of South Carolina educated themselves during the early Reconstruction period; a self-sufficient movement which continued their concealed efforts during the era of slavery.  Similarly, Fuke concludes African-American schooling in Maryland derived from the grassroots of the African-American community. Consequently, Northern whites operated as catalysts within an educational movement crea ted by black society; the Bureau facilitated the ‘expansion’  of black schooling through the creation of additional schoolhouses and Northern philanthropists enhanced the quality of tuition. This dissertation intends to ascertain how far these arguments can be applied to Georgia, assessing whether the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke correspond with the experiences of other Southern states. Each chapter will address the educational contributions of a specific group: African-Americans, the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern benevolent associations. Within this structure, rural areas will be compared to their urban counterparts, primarily the city of Savannah. Accordingly, this will enable me to determine to what extent African-American education derived from black impetus throughout differing areas of Georgia. In establishing how far formal African-American schooling was motivated by the black community in Reconstruction Georgia, educational archives of the Bureau will provide a primary body of evidence. These records, dating from 1865-1870, consist of statistical data and school reports compiled by the Bureau, as well as letters received and sent by the agency. For Georgia, there are 15 microfilm rolls of correspondence, each containing 200-300 items. Moreover, a further 12 rolls comprise of accounting records and school reports composed by teachers and Bureau agents. To gain a sense of contemporary proceedings from such a vast source, I sampled approximately five letters and school reports per month from Savannah and varying rural counties of the state. Whereas archives of the Bureau are easily attainable, records of benevolent associations are comparatively limited. Documentation of the American Missionary Association (AMA) is stored within America, and the restricted material available online does not relate to Georgia. Consequently, the dissertation will instead utilise letters received by the Bureau from the AMA, alongside primary references within secondary material. Chapter one African-American Schooling in the Early Reconstruction Period: 1865-1870 Despite impoverishment confronting Georgia after defeat in the Civil War, formal African-American schooling encompassed the state during the early Reconstruction period. By January 1870, 194 African-American schools regularly reported to the Bureau, and a further 105 schoolhouses were believed to exist.  These schools served over 8,000 pupils throughout Georgia.  Traditional historiography attributes the inauguration of this educational movement to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropic organisations. Indeed, Northern white intervention commenced relatively early following Georgia’s surrender. Whilst the original Freedmen’s Bureau Act, March 1865, did not contain provisions for African-American education (Congress failed to appropriate finance for this purpose until July 1866), informal Bureau activity within Georgia began in the winter of 1865.  However, devoid of Congressional support, Georgia’s officials lacked monetary reserves and were restricted to exploiting their limited resources; abandoned property under Bureau control.  Nevertheless, the Bureau capitalised on the supplies it did possess and its earliest contribution can be dated to mid-November, 1865, when Davis Tillson, the state’s second assistant commissioner, authorised derelict buildings in Savannah to be utilised as African-American schools. Similarly, philanthropic associations instigated their benevolence within Georgia in the latter months of 1865. The AMA initially transported qualified Northern teachers to the state in , and NEFAS dispatched its first instructors in November.  By December 1865, these aid societies had established African-American schoolhouses in Savannah, Augusta, Atlanta, and Columbus. However, whilst Northern white activities commenced promptly in Reconstruction Georgia, the origins of formal African-American schooling cannot be attributed to these efforts, as previous scholarship suggests.  Arguably, African-American education derived from the grassroots of black society. In the summer of 1865, months following Georgia’s defeat, and months prior to Northern white intervention, Alvord embarked upon an exploration of the South. Concluding this tour, Alvord estimated 79 black schoolhouses were already established in Georgia, illustrating that African-American schooling was inaugurated independently.  This development accords with the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke. The Foundations of African-American Education The origins of African-American education in post-bellum Georgia, then, can be attributed to black society. The foundations of this movement derive, ironically, from the era preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans, a considerable number had acquired a clandestine education. Subsequent to Confederate defeat, members of Georgia’s black community who already possessed understanding of reading and writing became educators of the race.  Accordingly, the introduction of formal African-American schooling in Reconstruction Georgia was, as argued by Jenkins for South Carolina, a ‘continuation of the†¦efforts under slavery.’ In spite of restrictive legislation, many African-Americans in Georgia obtained literary skills before 1860. This learning process occurred, however, primarily within urban areas, whereby a more diverse environment than rural districts allowed differing opportunities to acquire education. Surprisingly, in a society characterised by white superiority, some slaves were instructed by their masters or his family. Regardless of potential prosecution, Savannah whites, on occasion, dismissed state laws forbidding the tuition of African-Americans. Domestic slaves, in particular, benefitted from this compassion. ‘Uncle Reuben’ of Savannah, owned by a master possessing few slaves, was rewarded for his loyalty and educated by the family. However, the majority concealed their learning from white society, instead attaining tuition surreptitiously from fellow African-Americans. As black ministers were literate, churches within pre-bellum Savannah were employed as secret institutions of education.  Consequently, Sundays proved a significant day for black tuition; whilst white society attended white churches, slaves with travel-passes, alongside their free counterparts, exploited African-American churches where, in addition to religious instruction, ministers often bestowed the rudiments of literacy.  Reverend J. Simms, for example, a former slave who purchased freedom, educated African-Americans, slave and free alike, within his Savannah church until 1861. Furthermore, free African-Americans of Savannah likewise obtained a clandestine education within a secular context, further disregarding state prohibitions. Unlike the urban enslaved, fettered by servitude, free African-Americans attended black schoolhouses operating covertly throughout the city. Mrs Deveaux, a free African-American, secretly taught from 1830 until the end of the Civil War.  This institution remained invisible to white society, successfully educating members of Savannah’s black community. Similarly, Susie King Taylor provides evidence of such surreptitious tuition. Unlike most slaves, Taylor, aged seven, was granted freedom by her master and subsequently lived with her free Grandmother in Savannah.  Consequently, Susie acquired an education. Each day, Taylor attended a secret school organised within the home of Mrs Woodhouse, a free African-American.  To avoid arousing suspicion within the white community, Taylor’s schoolbooks were disguised and Mrs Woodhouse’s 25 pupils each entered and departed the property individually.  Within two years, Mrs Woodhouse had taught Taylor ‘all she knew.’ Moreover, Lucy and Sarah Chase, white NEFAS educators transported to Savannah, December 1865, support the existence of covert schoolhouses in their account published in the Worcester Evening Gazette; ‘[they] would have schools, under the old regime†¦in spite of the laws.’  Specifically, the Chase sisters describe a free African-American male who operated a pre-bellum ‘secret school’  in his Savannah residence. Following this tutoring, pupils frequently continued their studies at home, concealing their activities from white society. Evidence therefore suggests a number of African-Americans in Savannah acquired understanding of reading and writing prior to the Civil War, undermining legislation intended to prohibit such academic advancement. Contrastingly, opportunities for clandestine instruction in rural Georgia were limited; tense race relations and the isolated nature of the environment resulted in fewer means to obtain education. Under slavery, cotton cultivation dominated rural Georgia and the economic livelihood of whites depended upon African-American labour.  Consequently, race relations were strained. Planters perceived African-Americans in terms of their property value and financial concerns ‘superseded the consideration of slaves.’  Thus, masters refused to instruct slaves for fear the educated worker could destabilise the established hierarchy, resulting in slave rebellion and economic loss.  J.H. Dent, a slaveholder in Northern rural Georgia, commented ‘one great error is to†¦enlighten the Negro. In doing so, you†¦arouse his suspicions.’  Accordingly, few slaves, if any, acquired education from their master. George Womble, a former slave of Clinton, Georgia, emphasises this difficulty in achieving literacy, recalling the enslaved on his plantation were ‘never given the chance to learn to read or write.’ Furthermore, whereas churches provided alternative sources of education for urban slaves, they remained wholly religious to rural slaves. Whilst given opportunities to attend sermons by their masters, the rural enslaved were largely preached to by white ministers.  According to James Bolton, a slave of Oglethorpe County, ‘they weren’t no church for niggers on our plantation†¦we went to the white folkses church and listened to white preachers.’  Likewise, Womble was required to attend his master’s church, receiving the Sunday service of a white minister. Occasionally, however, white churches permitted rural slaves to be ministered by African-American preachers.  Nevertheless, such sermons remained subject to white supervision, preventing the surreptitious schooling which occurred within urban black churches. Plantation slave William Ward commented the local black pastor was overseen by his master, with the sermon ‘always built according to the master’s instructions†¦reminding slaves they†¦must lead a life of loyal servitude.’  Consequently, as slaves were addressed by white ministers, or by black preachers under the direction of their masters, churches within rural Georgia rarely provided slaves with academic education. Nevertheless, despite evident efforts of plantation owners to keep slaves uneducated, African-Americans sometimes exploited younger members of their master’s family.  The account of Womble refers to the neighbouring plantation where slave boys transported books of the master’s children to and from school, simultaneously receiving instruction upon how to write.  Thus, despite prohibitive legislation and the resolve of white society, some slaves, albeit the fortunate minority, acquired a degree of literacy in rural ante-bellum Georgia. Similarly, free rural African-Americans struggled to obtain the rudiments of literacy; evidence of covert instruction within private residences is rare. This lack of evidence can be attributed to the lower free black population in rural regions. As illustrated by Table 1, the number of free blacks in Chatham County, where Savannah is located, was significantly higher than rural counties preceding the Civil War.  Consequently, free African-Americans were more sporadic in the countryside, resulting in fewer literate individuals from whom fellow African-Americans could acquire tuition. Nevertheless, one cannot dismiss such secret instruction occurred. Furthermore, little evidence suggests clandestine schooling occurred within rural black churches of Georgia. Owing to their dispersed population, free rural blacks were unable to create a strong community and, consequentially, only a ‘handful’  of African-American churches were erected in each rural county; in Dougherty County, a single black church existed.  Whilst these institutions were ministered by black preachers, only some were independent of white society. Frances Kemble, a Northern white traveller, reported, although free African-Americans possessed their own Baptist church in Darien, ‘a gentleman officiated in it (of course, white).’  Accordingly, white supervision prevented such churches being utilised as secret schoolhouses. However, in those African-American churches which, similarly to their urban counterparts, remained autonomous, one can speculate black ministers served as academic teachers. Indeed, surreptitious instruction in rural Georgia must have occurred; Russel Noah, a free African-American of Madison, as later explained, developed literary skills in the pre-bellum era and became a teacher in the Reconstruction period.  However, due to the sporadic locations of independent churches, such clandestine tuition could only have benefitted a minority of each rural county’s free black population. Thus, compared to Savannah, it was challenging for rural African-Americans, both slave and free alike, to acquire the rudiments of literacy in pre-bellum Georgia, though privileged individuals did. When examining the state in its entirety, evidence illustrates that, despite regional variations, numerous African-Americans possessed basic literary skills prior to the Civil War; an existing approximation suggests five percent of slaves and two-thirds of Georgia’s free African-American population were literate by 1860.  African-Americans actively pursued their aspiration for education by diverse and resourceful methods. This self-motivated movement commenced in both urban and rural regions, albeit with more success in the former, decades before the involvement of Northern whites in the state. Accordingly, the African-American response to their desire for knowledge can hardly be described as piteous, as previous historiography suggests. Independent African-American Schoolhouses These determined endeavours in ante-bellum Georgia were not a prologue to the Reconstruction period; they were ‘formative and foundational,’  providing the basis for formal black schooling. By utilising the academic knowledge obtained before the Civil War, African-Americans independently established schoolhouses immediately following Confederate defeat, December 1864. This movement occurred months before Northern white intervention in Georgia, as previously illustrated by Alvord’s report.  Those literate individuals at the time of Georgia’s surrender became the first educators of the race and, to facilitate this tuition, the black community, despite poverty, organised numerous schoolhouses. This movement transpired especially within Savannah, whereby African-Americans betook to education with ‘speed and energy.’  Devoid of funding to purchase or rent structures specifically for black schooling, African-Americans instead capitalised upon limited resources in their possession. Similarly to pre-bellum clandestine instruction, private residences provided accomodation in which tuition could occur at little cost. In September 1865, Susie King Taylor, who was educated in such a covert manner as a child, opened a school within her Savannah home.  Each month Taylor received $1 from every pupil. These payments, although low, proved sufficient to fund the day to day management of the school and supplied Susie with a small salary.  Furthermore, according to Taylor, several schools were already in operation throughout Savannah within residences of fellow African-Americans, including one ran by Mrs Jackson upon the same street as Susie’s own schoolhouse.   In the absence of many alternatives, African-Americans sacrificed their homes for the purpose of educating others. Moreover, African-Americans of Savannah exploited the one aspect of community life in which they enjoyed full control; the church. Central institutions prior to the Civil War, African-American churches possessed greater importance in the Reconstruction period, facilitating further schools in the city. Earliest letters received by the Bureau in 1865 indicate African-American schooling commonly occurred in church property owned by African-American Baptists. In July 1865, just seven months following Georgia’s surrender, former slave Maria Jones organised a school within a black Baptist church, educating 27 fellow freedpeople.  To sustain this tuition, Jones depended upon $1 a month per scholar. Whilst the total was not always supplied, pupils consistently donated what they could afford. The examples above were organised and sustained independently by the grassroots of Savannah’s African-American community, despite impoverishment. This self-reliance is epitomised by the Savannah Education Association (SEA), a black organisation founded by church leaders. Under the auspices of the SEA, two schoolhouses were established in Savannah during January 1865; one located at Oglethorpe and the other, symbolically, in the former Bryan Slave Mart.  These schools, taught by 16 African-American teachers, were ‘supported by the association.’  To supplement SEA funding, the black community donated $1000 following the schoolhouses’ establishment.  Furthermore, while pupils were not required to pay tuition fees, they chose to finance the salaries of the staff; voluntary contributions which remained ‘enough to supply the needed fund.’  Accordingly, the schools were wholly self-sufficient, educating over 700 African-Americans prior to Nort hern white intervention. Similarly, rural African-Americans organised formal schooling before the involvement of Northern whites in Georgia. However, this process did not occur as rapidly or extensively when compared to Savannah; whereas 27 independent black schoolhouses operated in Savannah by November 1865, just 1 existed in Oglethorpe County.  With fewer opportunities to acquire literary skills in the pre-bellum countryside, fewer individuals could become teachers in the Reconstruction period. In many rural counties, ministers comprised the majority of the literate black population.  Furthermore, rural African-Americans were consumed with poverty and, similarly to their urban counterparts, could only exploit resources already in their possession. Consequently, African-American churches facilitated the earliest black schooling in rural Georgia.  However, as only a handful existed in each rural county, black schoolhouses remained low in number prior to Northern white support. Nevertheless, schools were established and sustained independently. In Marietta, Cobb County, August 1865, Reverend Eeli accommodated a school within his church, educating 95 freedpeople.  To ensure continuance of this instruction, each pupil, when able, donated â‚ ¡50 per month.  Similarly, Russel Noah of Madison, Morgan County, learned to read and write as a free African-American in the ante-bellum period. Whilst Noah had ‘never taught school before,’  he began teaching in September 1865, utilising a church in Madison as a schoolhouse. Likewise, Noah’s pupils donated a small sum to maintain this tuition.  Moreover, Reverend Caldwell operated a night school in his church at La Grange, commencing in September 1865.  Whilst black schoolhouses in rural Georgia were by no means common before measures of Northern whites, those which did exist were organised and maintained by the black community. Evidence therefore illustrates, in both rural and urban Georgia, African-Americans independently inaugurated formal black schooling during the early Reconstruction period, prior to Northern white intervention. This education was impelled by local black impetus and was a continuation of the clandestine efforts preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans, several members of Georgia’s black community successfully pursued their desire for education. Developing these pre-bellum foundations, literate African-Americans became teachera in the post-bellum era and numerous schoolhouses were self-sufficiently organised to facilitate such tuition. Accordingly, African-American education was not ‘left to the Freedmen’s Bureau and Northern philanthropy’  as previous scholarship has argued. Indeed, as acknowledged by Alvord, Georgia’s African-Americans had already made ‘commendable efforts to educate themselves and their children’  in the summer of 1865. This educational movement in Georgia accords with the conclusions determined by Jenkins and Fuke for the states of South Carolina and Maryland, both of which argue African-American schooling derived from the grassroots of black society.  However, Jenkins and Fuke further assert rural African-Americans were more highly motivated than their urban counterparts in establishing schoolhouses.  Jenkins maintains rural African-Americans perceived themselves as less sophisticated than their urban contemporaries and thus pursued education ‘more diligently.’  Moreover, Fuke claims rural African-Americans were more enthused due to pride; blacks desired to seek as much control over daily life as possible. Conversely, the opposite occurred in Georgia. Within Savannah, African-Americans organised schoolhouses more rapidly and extensively than in rural areas of the state. This discrepancy can be explained by ante-bellum trends. Whilst rural African-Americans in Georgia, likewise to their peers in Maryland and South Carolina, perhaps considered themselves less sophisticated than urban black society and yearned to establish schooling out of pride, one fact remains: there were fewer opportunities to acquire clandestine education in the pre-bellum countryside. Accordingly, fewer literate individuals could be utilised as teachers in the early Reconstruction period. Consequently, it is logical that African-American schools were more sporadic and slower to develop in rural areas of Georgia. Chapter Two The Freedmen’s Bureau In Maryland, Fuke concluded the Freedmen’s Bureau was a catalyst for the ‘expansion’  of education owing to the provision of schoolhouses throughout the state.  Furthermore, he judged that whilst this growth ‘depended heavily on the support of the Bureau†¦it drew equally from the hard work of the black community.’  Ã‚  These arguments are likewise applicable to Georgia, with one exception. Whereas Fuke generalises his claims to the entirety of Maryland, evidence illustrates his conclusions are more relevant to urban, in comparison to rural, Georgia. In accordance with Fuke’s argument, the Bureau developed the existing foundations of African-American schooling in Georgia, serving as an accelerant to the educational movement formed by black society.  Likewise to Maryland, the Bureau enabled the growth of African-American education through the creation of additional schools; advancement impoverished African-Americans could not achieve independently. However, as argued by Fuke, this role of the Bureau, although significant, was only one influence within a process which combined the efforts of the agency and the African-American community of Georgia. As established, African-Americans in Reconstruction Georgia actively inaugurated their own schooling prior to Northern white intervention. However, this tuition was only available to a minority of the black population, especially within rural counties, and poverty hindered the ability of the community to further expand such schooling. Following the Civil War, devastation encompassed the state; ‘destitution and hunger were the kissing cousins of defeat.’  W. Gannett, a NEFAS representative touring Savannah, April 1865, reported ‘there is little money in the city, in black hands or white.’  Similarly, Miss Banfield, a Northern teacher, described Savannah’s African-American community in November, 1865, as ‘very poor.’ Likewise, within rural Georgia, impoverishment was ubiquitous and often more intensified than urban regions. Plantations were destroyed during conflict and starvation caused widespread distress.  Mr Townsler, a freedman of Griffin, informed the Bureau, in September 1865, the local black community was ‘poor’ and ‘destitute of all conveniences and comforts necessary.’  Accordingly, African-Americans within early Reconstruction Georgia lived at a level of subsistence. Consequently, although the black community organised schoolhouses throughout the state prior to Northern white measures, these institutions often struggled to be maintained. In November 1865, Maria Jones, who previously opened a Savannah school, July 1865, feared it would be impossible to teach the following month as the children were ‘too poor to pay for their tuition.’  Similarly, in a church schoolhouse of rural Athens, there was a ‘general disposition among the colored people to educate their children,’ but ‘very few’ could afford tuition payments.  Thus, by November 1865, the future of Mr Schevenelle’s school, established just four months earlier, appeared bleak. As African-Americans were unable to sustain independently established schoolhouses, it was unfeasible for them to self-sufficiently expand the foundations of black education. Consequentially, whilst the black community inaugurated formal African-American schooling in Reconstruction Georgia, its growth can be attributed to the Freedmen’s Bureau. The original Freedmen’s Bureau Act, March 1865, contained no provisions for African-American education.  During the initial year of the agency’s existence, Congress failed to appropriate financial support for black tuition and the Bureau’s educational powers remained limited. Nevertheless, informal activity commenced within Georgia in the winter of 1865; abandoned buildings were authorised as schoolhouses for the African-American community.  In Savannah, November 1865, Tillson secured property previously utilised by Union forces as black schools.  However, as derelict buildings were located predominantly in cities, original benevolence of the Bureau was restricted to urban Georgia. Nonetheless, in the later months of 1865, the agency was already enhancing African-American education where black communities could not, providing accommodation in which further tuition could occur. The Bureau’s educational activities became more effective in July 1866 when, in response to increasing demands for federal provisions specific to African-American education, Congress secured $500,000 for repairing and leasing black schoolhouses throughout the South; an act interpreted loosely by the agency to establish more schools.  Furthermore, this statute allowed the Bureau to seize former Confederate property to facilitate black schooling.  Similarly, in March 1867, Congress donated an additional $500,000 to the Bureau for the purpose of African-American education.  These appropriations proved crucial to the development of African-American schooling in post-bellum Georgia, and the South as a whole. From July 1866 to July 1870, the Georgia Bureau utilised these Congressional enactments to assist the establishment of black schoolhouses throughout the state; a process which occurred in Maryland also. Within this four year period, approximately 105 buildings, some of which were previously owned by the Confederacy, were rented by the Bureau and donated to Georgia’s African-American community specifically to provide surroundings for black education.  Furthermore, by July 1870, the Bureau had financed, in part, the construction of over 50 schoolhouses, including Beach Institute at Savannah, expending over $110,000. Consequently, the Bureau’s material and monetary contributions created an additional 150 African-American schools in Georgia. Thus, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusions, the Bureau facilitated the expansion of African-American schooling, acting as an accelerant to the educational movement already established by the black community of the state.  As a ‘booster of black schooling,’  the Bureau augmented the local efforts of African-Americans into a large-scale movement. However, whilst Fuke’s argument applies to Georgia when generalising the educational movement in the state as a whole, evidence suggests Bureau activities occurred more enthusiastically within urban regions; a distinction not emphasised by Fuke. Reporting on the progress of African-American education for the year of 1866, Alvord noted there were approximately 100 rural counties in Georgia whereby black schoolhouses were yet to be established.  Similarly, in July 1868, Alvord commented the educational aid of the Bureau was concentrated ‘at the centre,’  Ã‚  in towns, as opposed to being ‘distributed throughout the entire state.’ Thus, the Bureau had not ‘spread a thin blanket of education as widely as possible’  in Georgia, as Fuke implies for Maryland. It instead focused its attention upon urban cities, ironically where aid was less needed. This variation can be explained by the differing measures adopted by Bureau agents in each state. In Maryland, the Bureau’s primary aid for African-American education was to provide lumber for the construction of schoolhouses, 60 of which had been established by mid-1866; more than the total constructed by the Georgia Bureau between 1866 and 1870.  Consequently, such donations could be distributed in rural and urban areas, and the Bureau’s benevolence was received throughout the state.  Contrastingly, in Georgia, the Bureau preferred to rent existing structures for the purpose of black education. As properties suitable for this function were primarily located within urban areas, the Bureau’s educational measures were restricted to cities. Moreover, Bureau efforts may have been confined to urban Georgia due to practicality. Owing to post-war migration, the African-American population was concentrated within five primary cities: Savannah, Atlanta, Augusta, Columbus and Macon.  Concentrating work in such regions maximised the Bureau’s efficiency. Aid could be limited to certain areas whilst benefitting a significant proportion of Georgia’s African-American community. Nevertheless, whilst Bureau measures failed to reach the remotest counties of Georgia, and black schools remained relatively sparse in these regions, the agency significantly developed African-American education when examining the state as a whole. Impoverishment would have prevented black society from independently establishing the further 150 schoolhouses organised by the Bureau. Despite the restricted location of its activities, the Bureau proved to be a valuable catalyst in the growth of African-American schooling within Georgia. However, according with Fuke’s conclusion for Maryland, although the Bureau expanded African-American education in Georgia, Bureau schools were not endowments passively bestowed upon African-Americans; they were joint enterprises. Indeed, impetus in the establishment of such schoolhouses still often derived from African-Americans themselves. Whilst the Bureau’s financial donations, as previously stated, allowed the construction of approximately 50 black schoolhouses within the state, the initial foundations of these schools were nonetheless created by black society. The act of Congress dating to July 1866 (providing $500,000 for the leasing and repairing of black schools throughout the South), although interpreted by the Bureau to allow the construction of new schoolhouses, meant that African-Americans were required to contribute towards the establishment of such institutions. If Georgia’s African-American community could finance and raise the framework of a schoolhouse, the Bureau would ‘repair’ the structure and subsidise its remaining construction.  Accordingly, Bureau money ensured the assembling of schoolhouses. However, it was African-American motivation which prompted them. Similarly, whilst the additional $500,000 appropriated by Congress, March 1867, was non-specific as to its use, and could potentially be utilised to wholly finance the construction of new schools, the Georgia Bureau refused to employ funding in this way. Georgia’s officials continued only to pledge monetary support to those who displayed initiative towards education.  Thus, throughout 1867, J.R. Lewis, the Georgia Bureau’s Superintendent of Education, authorised financial donations towards the erection of black schoolhouses only if African-Americans had paid for the landsite and had made ‘progress’  in its construction.  Again, while Bureau funding allowed the creation of these schools, their impetus still derived from African-Americans themselves. Fundamentally, the Bureau simply provided subsidy for the completion of a process already commenced by the African-American community. This role of the agency can be perceived as a microcosm of the wider educational context in Georgia; the Freedmen’s Bureau developed the existing foundations of African-American education, serving as a catalyst within a movement formed by black society. Furthermore, African-American schools within premises rented by the Bureau were likewise cooperative institutions in which the agency and Georgia’s black community contributed. As the Bureau provided financial support for leasing properties, African-Americans desired to do ‘all they possibly can to help themselves’  regarding maintenance of the schools; a challenge which, according to Alvord, was met with ‘enthusiasm.’  Despite impoverishment, African-Americans were ‘willing to pay’  for the secondary expenses of Bureau schools and ‘liberally’  donated money for the purchase of school equipment, as well as building repairs. Moreover, as the Georgia Bureau’s finances dwindled, the responsibility of subsidising Bureau schools fell increasingly to African-Americans themselves.  As early as August 1867, the Bureau reported a lack of monetary reserves, stating ‘the small fund of last year has been exhausted†¦.funds are very limited indeed.’  Consequently, in order to continue black tuition in such schoolhouses, Lewis informed teachers they must ‘rely on the colored people’  to provide money for rent. In response, the black community ‘contributed more than ever before, though struggling with debts,’  and henceforth assumed a ‘large share’  of the cost. In the six months from January to July, 1869, African-Americans expended approximately $20,000 renting school property. By July 1870, the Bureau ceased its educational work throughout the South for want of funds, leaving African-Americans in Bureau schools to manage them self-sufficiently . Thus, although African-Americans could not afford to rent property in the initial years of Reconstruction and required the Bureau’s financial support to expand black schooling, such benevolence was not accepted passively. Despite impoverishment, African-Americans contributed money, demonstrating commitment towards education. Indeed, as Bureau funds declined, the black community accepted more of the financial burden to sustain their schools. Consequently, African-American education within Georgia was not merely ‘left to the Freedmen’s Bureau’  even after its inauguration. Accordingly, as argued by Fuke for Maryland, the Bureau was vital to the growth of black education in Georgia. The agency advanced schooling where African-Americans themselves were unable to, providing a further 150 schoolhouses throughout the state. Without this aid, African-American schooling would have been more sporadic than it already was.  Thus, likewise to its role in Maryland, the Bureau enhanced the existing foundations of African-American education, serving as a catalyst to a movement inaugurated by the black community; a process which occurred, however, more intensely within urban Georgia. Nonetheless, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusion, to attribute all praise to the Freedmen’s Bureau, as previous scholarship has chosen to, denies the altruistic and self-sacrificing efforts of the black community towards their education. Although the Bureau expanded African-American schooling, Georgia’s black population did not adopt a passive position in this development. Bureau schools were joint institutions. Indeed, the impetus for such schoolhouses often derived from African-Americans themselves and, once established, the black community willingly contributed funds to sustain their tuition. Chapter Three Northern Benevolent Associations Previous scholarship concerning Reconstruction Georgia argues that, in conjunction with the Freedmen’s Bureau, Northern Benevolent Associations were ‘entirely responsible’  for establishing African-American education.  Yet this conclusion does not take into consideration the foundations created by African-Americans themselves. Contrastingly, for the state of Maryland, Fuke has demonstrated that, as African-American schooling derived from the grassroots of black society, Northern whites instead served as facilitators to African-American education; the Bureau expanded black schooling and Northern Benevolence enhanced the standard of teaching available to the African-American community. Likewise to his conclusion of the Bureau’s role, Fuke’s argument regarding Northern aid societies is applicable to this case-study of Georgia. Whilst African-American education was inaugurated by the black community, and supported by the Bureau, there were limits to what African-American teachers, who were devoid of formal schooling preceding the Civil War, could achieve independently.  Although many acquired a degree of literacy in the pre-bellum era, their understanding was frequently basic and, consequently, inaccurate information was imparted. Thus, by transporting qualified educators to Georgia and establishing higher education within the state, Northern aid societies augmented the quality of African-American tuition. Prior to Northern benevolence, African-Americans, in both rural and urban Georgia, resourcefully utilised members of the black community who had obtained literary skills in the ante-bellum era as educators of the race. Indeed, as observed by Alvord, the black population were quick to ‘communicate to each other what they already know [sic]’  in the months following Georgia’s surrender. However, while literate African-Americans became teachers in an effort to ‘uplift their brethren,’  the education offered was often of a low standard. Within correspondence received by the Bureau, the spelling and grammar of black instructors is frequently poor. A letter composed by Eeli, who organised a school in rural Marietta, 1865, illustrates this concept when informing the Bureau of the ‘follering reports:’ there were 95 ‘knowne’ pupils who were ‘tort’ in a schoolhouse which had ‘bin’ organised since August and was owned by the ‘collard’ Baptists.  Similarly, Reverend Rucker of Marietta concluded a school report by acknowledging his scanty literary skills: ‘if my reporte is not right†¦you will pleas look over that and forgive.’  Furthermore, in rural Greensborough, African-American teacher Charles Brown enquired whether the Bureau could provide slates and pencils ‘if posibel.’  Similarly, in urban Savannah, black instructors displayed only basic knowledge of writing. Maria Jones, who established a school in the city, July 186 5, could spell accurately, yet possessed little understanding of grammar: ‘I am colored teacher. Have been teaching since July.’ Accordingly, a ‘smattering of education’  attained in the pre-bellum era was considered enough to qualify a black teacher; those with literary skills, however limited, were beacons to their illiterate counterparts. However, whilst these instructors could educate fellow African-Americans in their ABC’s, inaccurate habits, such as those manifested in Bureau letters, would have been transferred to students. Consequently, only the rudiments of literacy could be imparted independently within the black community and, even then, they were done so imperfectly. Georgia’s first African-American teachers were therefore perceived by Northern whites, government and benevolent, as inept.  Following a tour of the state, mid-1866, J.R. Lewis commented black teachers were ‘incompetent†¦[and] could scarcely read,’  a belief echoed by NEFAS/AMA representatives.  By 1869, Lewis’ opinion had not altered: their ‘ignorance’ generally did ‘more harm than good.’  Similarly, Alvord considered African-American educators to be ‘poorly prepared’ as they instructed ‘only in the alphabet’. Consequently, from late-1865 to 1870, approximately 370 qualified Northern teachers were transported to Georgia by philanthropic associations, primarily the AMA and NEFAS; a process which likewise occurred in Maryland and South Carolina.  Fundamentally, these teachers enhanced black education where African-Americans could not. Unlike their African-American counterparts, white instructors had completed higher education and possessed experience in the classroom. Lucy and Sarah Chase, transported by NEFAS to Savannah, December 1865, were ‘of the highest rank of New England’s ladies’  and had ‘proven themselves’  as talented teachers. Similarly, Linda Jacobs, likewise sent to the city by NEFAS, had ‘demonstrated her ability to fill any place you may assign her.’  Moreover, the AMA sponsored Miss Meye, ‘an experienced teacher,’  and a male ‘normal school graduate’  to teach within Georgia. Such educators, according to Alvord, were ‘competent in every respect;’  a contrast to poorly prepared black instructors. Moreover, alongside superior scholarship, Northern white teachers were equipped with educational resources that African-American teachers lacked, further enhancing the standard of teaching available to black society. African-American schoolhouses established and maintained independently were frequently devoid of academic textbooks.  While some black teachers utilised the Bible as a primer, the text was too advanced and proved ineffectual for this purpose.  White educators transported to Georgia, however, furnished ‘a large quantity of scholar’s books.’  Teachers sponsored by NEFAS taught with Progressive Readers and those supported by the AMA used Wilson’s Primary Speller, Fetter’s Primary Arithmetic and McGuffey’s Reader.  These textbooks were based upon the primary curriculum of Northern common schools and thus provided a more academically enriching classroom environment compared to the self-sufficient endeavours of the black communi ty. By transporting teachers and resources to Georgia, benevolent associations ensured short-term improvement in the quality of African-American tuition. In receiving a better education themselves, Northern instructors progressed African-American schooling beyond the standard taught independently within black society. Furthermore, in contrast to the informal efforts of black teachers, primers standardised African-American instruction, providing a solid, comprehensive curriculum.  Thus, in accordance with Fuke’s conclusion for Maryland, aid societies enhanced the quality of black schooling in Georgia, serving as catalysts to African-American education. However, Fuke generalises this argument making little distinction between urban and rural regions, suggesting Northern munificence was distributed reasonably evenly throughout Maryland.  Nonetheless, within Georgia, philanthropic activities demonstrated an ‘urban bias’  similarly to the Freedmen’s Bureau. According to Alvord, educational measures of benevolent associations were concentrated in the ‘principal cities.’  Furthermore, from late 1865-1870, approximately 70 percent of Northern teachers transported to Georgia were sent to urban areas.  This variation between Maryland and Georgia is explicable by the relationship between the Bureau and Northern societies; the Bureau functioned as a central organisation in the educational movement, coordinating the efforts of aid associations. Thus, it is logical that philanthropic activities within both Georgia and Maryland were directed in the same manner as those of the Bureau within each state. As an extension to Fuke’s conclusions, this case-study of Georgia suggests higher education also benefitted the standard of African-American tuition. In addition to furnishing short term support for black schooling, albeit more so in urban regions, benevolent associations provided long-term assistance to African-American education in Georgia. As established, black teachers who were devoid of professional training could only teach to a limited level. To progress their ability to instruct beyond the rudiments of literacy, these instructors required a better education themselves; a process unachievable within the black community. Accordingly, African-Americans required Northern support in order to ‘teach the teachers.’ During the early Reconstruction period, the AMA placed emphasis upon higher education and by 1870 it had established approximately 157 normal schools throughout the South, a number of which located in urban Georgia.  Storrs school in Atlanta and Lewis High School in Macon, for example, served as institutions of teacher training whereby black teachers received specialised instruction equivalent to their white counterparts. The most significant contribution of the AMA, however, was Atlanta University, founded June 1867, at the cost of $20,000.  Teacher training commenced in 1869, intending to fulfil the ‘much needed’ work in the state – the ‘preparation of black teachers’ for African-American schools.  By April 1869, the college possessed a normal class of 30 pupils, with an additional 70 scholars expected the following autumn term, all of whom were ‘taught the methods of imparting instruction [for] successful teaching.’  Furthermore, by 1870, the university had educated approximately 70 African-American graduates able teach to a level comparable to Northern whites. This new generation of African-American educators could therefore teach to a higher quality than the first black instructors of the state, enabling African-Americans to self-sufficiently progress their education beyond its previously limited level.  This was both a preference of Georgia’s black community, for African-Americans preferred to send children to black teachers, as opposed to white, and, increasingly, a necessity as Northern associations became ‘crippled’  for want of funds.  Fundamentally, whilst African-Americans independently inaugurated formal black schooling, Northern benevolence allowed black teaching to continue independently. Accordingly, the conclusion determined by Fuke for Maryland applies to Georgia; Northern aid societies augmented the quality of tuition where African-Americans could not self-sufficiently progress beyond certain limits, serving as catalysts to black education. Whilst literate African-Americans became the first educators of the race, their standard of teaching was restricted. With scanty literary skills themselves, black instructors only imparted basic knowledge. Thus, qualified Northern teachers immediately enhanced the standard of African-American education in Georgia. However, unlike their contemporaries in Maryland, Georgia’s rural black communities were somewhat dismissed. Furthermore, developing Fuke’s argument, higher education in Georgia likewise benefitted the level of black instruction; African-Americans could independently teach to a higher quality, improving the long-term conditions of black schooling. Whilst black society initiated its own tuition, Northern philanthropy enhanced it. Conclusion Scholarship regarding African-American education in the Reconstruction South has transformed during the last 50 years, gradually acknowledging the efforts of African-Americans themselves. However, only recent historiography concludes such schooling derived from black impetus. This argument has been applied, in particular, to Maryland and South Carolina. Jenkins argues African-Americans educated themselves in post-bellum South Carolina in a self-sufficient movement continuing the concealed efforts of the pre-bellum era.  Similarly, Fuke demonstrates African-American schooling in Maryland derived from grassroots impetus and Northern whites operated as catalysts within this movement created by black society; the Bureau facilitated its expansion by creating additional schoolhouses and Northern philanthropists enhanced the quality instruction. This dissertation intended to ascertain how far these combined conclusions apply to Georgia. Evidently, research suggests the educational movement in Georgia did largely accord with its counterparts in South Carolina and Maryland, with one exception; variations in the concentration of educational efforts are apparent. Nevertheless, the inauguration of formal black schooling in post-bellum Georgia, likewise to Maryland and South Carolina, can be attributed to the African-American community. This process, as concluded by Jenkins, commenced in the period preceding the Civil War. Despite legislation prohibiting instruction of African-Americans in Georgia, numerous individuals, slave and free alike, pursued their desire for education, acquiring a degree of literacy. Whilst this process occurred throughout the state, it was more challenging for rural African-Americans to obtain literary skills. Developing these foundations, African-Americans with even a modicum of knowledge became the first educators of the race in post-bellum Georgia. To accommodate such tuition, the black community exploited resources in its possession, organising formal schoolhouses prior to Northern white intervention. Indeed, 75 independently established and maintained schools existed by the summer of 1865.  Essentially, African-Americans taught each other whatever they knew and wherever they could. This educational movement was a continuation of pre-bellum efforts; formerly clandestine activity prior to the Civil War merely manifested itself visibly in post-bellum Georgia. Accordingly, the conclusions of Fuke and Jenkins apply to the state: formal African-American schooling was inaugurated independently by the black community. However, whereas their research suggests rural African-Americans were more motivated in establishing black schoolhouses, the antithesis occurred in Georgia; with fewer opportunities in the ante-bellum countryside to acquire education, fewer individuals could be utilised as teachers in the early Reconstruction period. Nevertheless, despite the concentration of educational efforts in urban Georgia, black schooling was initiated throughout the state by African-Americans themselves. Furthermore, Fuke’s conclusions concerning Northern whites in Maryland likewise apply to Georgia, again, however, with one exception. As in Maryland, the Bureau served as a catalyst in Georgia, expanding African-American education. Following the agency’s money and material donations, the number of black schoolhouses substantially increased in the state; advancement impoverished African-Americans could not accomplish independently. Nonetheless, despite the similarity of the Bureau’s overall influence in both states, a distinction can be ascertained. Whereas aid was distributed throughout Maryland, it was restricted primarily to urban Georgia; a variation explicable by the differing measures favoured by Bureau agents of each state. However, despite urban bias, the Bureau proved a valuable contribution in the growth of African-American schooling when examining Georgia as a whole. Nevertheless, although the Bureau expanded black schooling in Georgia, African-Americans did not adopt a passive role in this development, likewise to their contemporaries in Maryland. The impetus for Bureau schools frequently derived from the black community and, despite impoverishment, African-Americans sacrificed money towards their education. Bureau schools were therefore cooperative ventures and not endowments. Moreover, Fuke’s argument regarding Northern philanthropy in Maryland likewise applies to Georgia with one exception. Similarly to their role in Maryland, aid societies augmented the quality of black tuition in Georgia, serving as facilitators to the state’s educational movement. Whilst literate African-Americans became the first educators of the race, their standard of instruction was limited. Thus, by transporting qualified teachers to Georgia, Northern munificence enhanced the level of instruction available to black society. However, although the influence of Northern benevolence was similar in Maryland and Georgia, a distinction can be determined; educational activities were distributed throughout Maryland yet concentrated predominantly in urban Georgia. This pattern, within both states, echoes the measures of the Bureau. As the Bureau coordinated the efforts of Northern associations, it is logical their activities were directed in the same manner as those of the ag ency itself. Extending Fuke’s conclusion, higher education within Georgia further developed the standard of African-American tuition. By providing black teachers with professional training equivalent to their white counterparts, the AMA allowed African-Americans to teach to a higher standard than the level previously attained. Whilst African-Americans independently inaugurated black schooling, Northern benevolence allowed black teaching to continue independently. Accordingly, although discrepancies between the rural and urban experience are apparent when comparing Georgia to Maryland and South Carolina, the educational movement in Georgia, when examining the state as a whole, largely accords with the combined conclusions determined by Fuke and Jenkins; formal African-American schooling in the Reconstruction period was inaugurated self-sufficiently and Northern whites did act as catalysts within this process established by black society.